An Introduction to the Teke People of the Republic of Congo

The Teke people are the oldest of the Bantu tribes in the Republic of Congo. Like the Kongo people, the Teke are made up of people from different countries in central Africa including the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the Republic of Congo, and Gabon.

History

The word Teke means ‘to buy’ in the Bateke language, therefore the name of the Teke tribe is presumably derived from the fact that they were merchant traders dealing specifically in maize, millet and tobacco. The tribe also occupied themselves with hunting and fishing. The Teke traditionally chose blacksmiths as chiefs because this was an occupation perceived to be one of supreme importance with skills passed on from generation to generation. The chief was the most important member, as his role was to keep the tribe safe through the practice of traditional ceremonies and to keep the peace within his community. During the 1800s the Teke territory was colonised by the French. This led to the displacement of tribe members and the loss of many traditional practices.

Homeland

The Teke people occupy a series of savanna plateaus spanning more than 100,000km² across the length of the Republic of Congo, in areas such as Cuvette-Ouest, Niari, Bouenza and Lékoumou. Neighbouring tribes in the region include the Mbosi and the Kongo.

A postcard portraying the Teke people during the colonial era © J Audema / WikiCommons

Culture

Like most Congolese tribes, the Teke are a very spiritual people. They believe in practicing African traditional religion, which involves spirits and the protection of ancestors. Voodoo practices such as spells, curses, and sacrifices are also practised. The Teke people had tribal chiefs who were chosen to be religious leaders. These chiefs were highly respected, and no one ever doubted any decision they made. Today, most Teke families still have tribal chiefs, however this tradition is dying out in modern society. The Teke people are well known for their artwork, specifically their masks. The masks are often used in traditional ceremonies such as weddings, funerals and the initiation ceremonies of young men entering into adulthood. There is usually one tribunal chief who has the right over the life and death of all family members and is often called upon as a ‘mfumu mpugu’, a term used to describe a person of royal descendent. The tribunal chief has the right to decide upon the fate of a family member when they have done something wrong or broken the law.

Today most of the traditions, including mask-making, performing ceremonial dances and other African traditional practices, are still carried out and celebrated by many people.

Members of the Teke royal family in traditional attire © Patrick Robert

Like many other cultures, the Teke people have a unique cultural dress code. They typically wear outfits made out of rafia, which is a palm tree native to tropical mainland Africa and Madagascar. The leaves are dried and used to make hats, baskets, mats and clothes. The Teke also incorporate a mixture of prints into their outfits, as well as leopard and cheetah furs. Traditional body paints known as ‘kaolin’ are made of a white, fired clay and used for face and body decoration.

Texto de Culture Trip at www.culturetrip.com

Conheça a Máscura da Lua da Etnia Teke

MASCARA FEITA A MAO EM MADEIRA SIMBOLIZA A LUA NA ETNIA TEKE. ORIGEM GABÃO E CONGO. 

          A máscara Teke é redonda, com motivos geométricos abstratos, com listras horizontais pintadas com fundo branco ou vermelho e pintadas na parte superior com tons de terra escuros como azul, preto e marrom. Essas listras são dispostas simetricamente ao longo do eixo vertical e horizontal da máscara e retratam um rosto humano. 

           A máscara Teke é originária da região de Ogowe superior na República Democrática do Congo e no Gabão. Essa máscara é usada para confirmar a estrutura social e política durante as cerimônias de dança de máscaras Kidumu.  

          As tribos Kidumu que fazem essa máscara têm valores espirituais muito fortes e a família era a mais importante. unidade social da tribo Sob a cabeça do homem de família, ele tem o direito à vida e morte sobre todos os membros da família e, portanto, a tendência de possuir muitos escravos e controlar a vida dos outros à medida que aumenta seu poder e reputação Em termos de vida espiritual do Teke, o chefe da aldeia foi escolhido como líder religioso, ele era o membro tribal mais importante e ele manteria todas as poções e ossos espirituais que seriam usados ​​em cerimônias tradicionais para falar com os espíritos e governar. segurança sobre o seu povo.  

          Cada máscara é uma obra de arte “”original””, individualmente esculpida à mão. A natureza original da arte tribal será refletida por variações da máscara Tek, cada peça tem um estilo específico é semelhante, nunca sendo idênticas às outras.  

          As máscaras de nossa coleção foram feitas para o comércio e não possuem furos ao redor de sua borda, através dos quais as fibras seriam presas para segurar a máscara no traje ou na testa, caso fossem usada para ritual.  

Ethnicity and Wellbeing: The Lived Experiences of Baka Indigenous People of Cameroon

Robert D. Fai has a PhD in International Psychology from
The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, Washington, D.C.

Abstract

This paper examines ethnicity and wellbeing amongst the Baka indigenous people of Cameroon. The study scrutinized the socio-psychological problems being faced by the Baka indigenous people and the impact of these problems on wellbeing. To achieve this, a qualitative research methodology was adopted where in-depth interviews were administered to six Baka individuals from two Baka communities. Interview transcripts were analyzed using Nvivo software. Some of the themes highlighted several important findings: the need for organizations and governmental bodies to enact strategies that will allow for the recognition and respect of the Baka people, the need for the Baka people to access educational resources, a desire to be provided subsidized housing, and programs which will protect the Baka cultural heritage. Remarkably, those interviewed had a favorable view of the government’s desire to settle them on roadsides. They believe such a plan has allowed and will continue to permit Baka people access to more resources than they would otherwise have if they continue living in the forest. Additional findings provide guidelines that governmental as well as nongovernmental agencies will find useful for programs intervention and policymaking.

Keywords: Program intervention, indigenous people, psychosocial issues, wellbeing.

1.0 Introduction

Ethnic identity remains an important and defining element in the wellbeing of human beings. According to Chandra (2006), “…ethnic identities are a subset of identity categories in which eligibility for membership is determined by attributes associated with, or believed to be associated with, descent” (p. 3). Ethnic identity can be described as an umbrella term, one that denotes several attributes such as color, language, religion, tribe, race, and nationality (Chandra, 2006). Someone’s identity may from time to time become a target of injustice. For example, racial, ethnic, sex, gender or other social class discriminations are exhibited every day in our society, which often target one group or the other. When communities experience sociocultural impediments such as marginalization, stigmatization, and prejudice, such communities are exposed to risk factors. Some of these factors have been discussed by Jack, Ali and Dias (2014) as constituting depression, severe stress, poverty, and violence. An assessment shared by Phelan (2010), who posited that experiences of discrimination and stigma- related behaviors, can produce depressive as well as anxiety symptoms in addition to social isolation. Likewise, Pinel and Bosson (2013) have also posited that stigmatization has deleterious consequences, especially when those who are targeted focus empirically on their stigmatized status. Congruently, conflict between groups increases the chances of human distress and deterioration in wellbeing (Kelman, 2010). Whether it is fear of the unfamiliar or prejudicial behavior orchestrated against an outgroup, the way groups respond to such travesties is determined by socially constructed perceptions of the outgroup. Additionally, how social injustices are resolved lies with who manipulates power most. For example, David (2013) postulated that it is often difficult to persuade people, principally those who wield power, to take a keen interest in the experiences of vulnerable populations. He argued that it is difficult to convince dominant groups that social injustices faced by minorities are real, or that there is a need for steps to be taken to address such wrongs. Those who exercise power typically do not act when expected to do so. It is not unusual therefore, to hear them complain of their own injustices, notwithstanding their privileged positions in society. According to Goodman (2001), “people often become resistant to social justice issues or the plight of others when they are focused on their own distress or anxiety” (p. 70). A good case in point is the debate often heard from time to time in America, where proponents argue that African-American males are more likely to be killed by police than their Caucasian counterparts.

This issue has remained a bone of contention, with opposing sides often influenced by political affiliation not excluding other factors. From time to time, people who belong to dominant, powerful and advantaged groups also feel victimized and may complain about circumstances where they have been discriminated against or stereotyped (Goodman, 2001). In such situations they forestall accepting that an existing system may be broken, or that such a system is disadvantaging minority groups. While their concerns are genuine, it is unfortunate that sometimes lived experiences of minority groups are occasionally ignored or considered invalid or illegitimate. For instance, when some African Americans complain of police brutality and argue with the slogan that Black Lives Matter, some white people respond by stating that All Lives Matter, insinuating that blacks do not have genuine concerns. This is not unusual. According to Goodman (2001), for all groups, whether whites or wealthy men supposed to be privileged or heterosexuals, when they complain about advantages seized by an outgroup to which they have little or no access, such claims may be legitimate. Goodman (2001) argued that when dominant groups are preoccupied with their own concerns about their own injustices, their ability to be open and participate in self-reflective and critical educational processes may be inadequate.

Evidence-based research indicates that minorities (whether racial, sex determined, gender, or ethnic), who do not have access to power are often ostracized, negatively appraised, or often refused basic human rights by dominant groups in society (Goodman, 2001). This is true for the lived experiences of minority groups, including many indigenous people. The International Labor Organization (ILO) insists that the human rights of indigenous people must be respected (Article 3(1)). Unfortunately, the rights of many indigenous people are often violated, as with the lived experiences of the Baka indigenous people of Cameroon. According to Miller (1984, 1990) and as cited in Goodman (2001), unless individuals are given the opportunity to process and work through what hurts them, they will not be predisposed to acknowledge the distress of others. In like manner, people deny the pain of others in order to avoiding facing their own pain. Dominant and minority groups alike are eager to deal with what they perceive is their own maltreatment, and it is incredible to believe that they would have empathy for others.

1.1 Research Objective

This paper is based on the outcome of a PhD dissertation, whose goal it was to investigate the impact of concern for generativity and social identity threats on satisfaction with life amongst the Baka indigenous people. The utilization of Western concepts to understand ethnic populations like the Baka may seem incomprehensible. Nonetheless, Hofer, Busch, Chasiotis, Kärtner and Campos (2008), have stated that a cross-cultural investigation like this one can contribute to scholarship. Imada (2004) has argued that generativity allows for continuity and change within societies. The research focused on discovering the influence of psychosocial issues on satisfaction with life among the Baka indigenous people, as well as the opinions of selected Baka individuals on what can be done to improve their wellbeing. Three constructs were used to structure this study: generativity (McAdams, 2014; Guastello, Guastello & Briggs, 2014; Peterson, 2006; & McAdams, de St Aubin, Logan, 1993), defined as what the Baka people want to leave for posterity; social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), described as who the Baka people are in the context of membership in their ethnic group; and finally, satisfaction with life, which is defined as overall assessment of one’s feelings and attitudes about life at a precise point in time (Diener, Emmons, Larsen & Griffin, 1985). The Baka people’s experiences are investigated from the perspective that they are encountering real challenges in life. Some of these are discussed by David (2013) as usually encountered by minorities, and include racial oppression, cultural oppression (such as sexism or heterosexism) internalized oppression, and/or the devaluation of an individual’s personal self. These concerns have had implications for both the physical and mental health of minority communities. This is true for communities like the Baka, who have been asked to abandon their homeland and reside in the outskirts of the forest that embodies their culture and way of life. Such demands have placed them in situations where they are forced to encounter psychosocial concerns that are assumed to negatively influence their health and wellbeing, and require scholarly attention.

2.0 Research Background

Indigenous peoples globally are experiencing marginalization and discrimination at all levels of their lives, and are exposed to poorer health situations than are many other majority groups (Ohenjo, Willis, Jackson, Nettleton, Good & Mugarura, 2006). Some of these indigenous people are the Baka Forest People, who live in Cameroon, Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville (Paulin, 2007). This research is based on the Baka of Cameroon, who are currently facing what has been described by many as denial by the Cameroon government and other major players with vested interest in the tropical forest in Southeastern Cameroon, of the Baka people’s right to access forest resources. This behavior is consequently alienating Baka people from their culture, and this is negatively influencing their welfare. Living in the forest and depending on it for their livelihood has been customary for the Baka people for thousands of years (Pyhälä, 2012). It is not certain if the Baka ethnic people will continue with their rich culture of oral tradition, manifested by a substantial number of rituals and traditional stories told by the elder Baka to the younger people discussed by Léonard (2011) in the face of rapid changes in their culture. According to McAdams (n.d), life stories may tell much about the culture in which those stories are told, as well as what they articulate about the teller of the story. For example, when Americans talk about their stories of redemption (McAdams, 2006) it is possible to decipher American cultural values. This is also true about Baka rituals and traditional stories. Léonard (1997) speculated that the Baka see their culture as intrinsically linked to the forest. Historically speaking, the Baka, as well as many of the other Forest People in the Central African sub-region such as the Mbuti, have suffered loss of resources and land to colonists, commercial enterprises, and organizations involved in conservation initiatives (Gilbert, Couillard & Kidd, 2009; Pyhälä, 2012). According to Popova (2014), conservation measures forced on indigenous people unleash poverty. It is important that the Baka people participate in decision-making processes such as may be the case with conservation issues that are

Evidence-based research indicates that minorities (whether racial, sex determined, gender, or ethnic), who do not have access to power are often ostracized, negatively appraised, or often refused basic human rights by dominant groups in society (Goodman, 2001). This is true for the lived experiences of minority groups, including many indigenous people. The International Labor Organization (ILO) insists that the human rights of indigenous people must be respected (Article 3(1)). Unfortunately, the rights of many indigenous people are often violated, as with the lived experiences of the Baka indigenous people of Cameroon. According to Miller (1984, 1990) and as cited in Goodman (2001), unless individuals are given the opportunity to process and work through what hurts them, they will not be predisposed to acknowledge the distress of others. In like manner, people deny the pain of others in order to avoiding facing their own pain. Dominant and minority groups alike are eager to deal with what they perceive is their own maltreatment, and it is incredible to believe that they would have empathy for others.

1.1 Research Objective

This paper is based on the outcome of a PhD dissertation, whose goal it was to investigate the impact of concern for generativity and social identity threats on satisfaction with life amongst the Baka indigenous people. The utilization of Western concepts to understand ethnic populations like the Baka may seem incomprehensible. Nonetheless, Hofer, Busch, Chasiotis, Kärtner and Campos (2008), have stated that a cross-cultural investigation like this one can contribute to scholarship. Imada (2004) has argued that generativity allows for continuity and change within societies. The research focused on discovering the influence of psychosocial issues on satisfaction with life among the Baka indigenous people, as well as the opinions of selected Baka individuals on what can be done to improve their wellbeing. Three constructs were used to structure this study: generativity (McAdams, 2014; Guastello, Guastello & Briggs, 2014; Peterson, 2006; & McAdams, de St Aubin, Logan, 1993), defined as what the Baka people want to leave for posterity; social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), described as who the Baka people are in the context of membership in their ethnic group; and finally, satisfaction with life, which is defined as overall assessment of one’s feelings and attitudes about life at a precise point in time (Diener, Emmons, Larsen & Griffin, 1985). The Baka people’s experiences are investigated from the perspective that they are encountering real challenges in life. Some of these are discussed by David (2013) as usually encountered by minorities, and include racial oppression, cultural oppression (such as sexism or heterosexism) internalized oppression, and/or the devaluation of an individual’s personal self. These concerns have had implications for both the physical and mental health of minority communities. This is true for communities like the Baka, who have been asked to abandon their homeland and reside in the outskirts of the forest that embodies their culture and way of life. Such demands have placed them in situations where they are forced to encounter psychosocial concerns that are assumed to negatively influence their health and wellbeing, and require scholarly attention.

2.0 Research Background

Indigenous peoples globally are experiencing marginalization and discrimination at all levels of their lives, and are exposed to poorer health situations than are many other majority groups (Ohenjo, Willis, Jackson, Nettleton, Good & Mugarura, 2006). Some of these indigenous people are the Baka Forest People, who live in Cameroon, Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville (Paulin, 2007). This research is based on the Baka of Cameroon, who are currently facing what has been described by many as denial by the Cameroon government and other major players with vested interest in the tropical forest in Southeastern Cameroon, of the Baka people’s right to access forest resources. This behavior is consequently alienating Baka people from their culture, and this is negatively influencing their welfare. Living in the forest and depending on it for their livelihood has been customary for the Baka people for thousands of years (Pyhälä, 2012). It is not certain if the Baka ethnic people will continue with their rich culture of oral tradition, manifested by a substantial number of rituals and traditional stories told by the elder Baka to the younger people discussed by Léonard (2011) in the face of rapid changes in their culture. According to McAdams (n.d), life stories may tell much about the culture in which those stories are told, as well as what they articulate about the teller of the story. For example, when Americans talk about their stories of redemption (McAdams, 2006) it is possible to decipher American cultural values. This is also true about Baka rituals and traditional stories. Léonard (1997) speculated that the Baka see their culture as intrinsically linked to the forest. Historically speaking, the Baka, as well as many of the other Forest People in the Central African sub-region such as the Mbuti, have suffered loss of resources and land to colonists, commercial enterprises, and organizations involved in conservation initiatives (Gilbert, Couillard & Kidd, 2009; Pyhälä, 2012). According to Popova (2014), conservation measures forced on indigenous people unleash poverty. It is important that the Baka people participate in decision-making processes such as may be the case with conservation issues that are

Evidence-based research indicates that minorities (whether racial, sex determined, gender, or ethnic), who do not have access to power are often ostracized, negatively appraised, or often refused basic human rights by dominant groups in society (Goodman, 2001). This is true for the lived experiences of minority groups, including many indigenous people. The International Labor Organization (ILO) insists that the human rights of indigenous people must be respected (Article 3(1)). Unfortunately, the rights of many indigenous people are often violated, as with the lived experiences of the Baka indigenous people of Cameroon. According to Miller (1984, 1990) and as cited in Goodman (2001), unless individuals are given the opportunity to process and work through what hurts them, they will not be predisposed to acknowledge the distress of others. In like manner, people deny the pain of others in order to avoiding facing their own pain. Dominant and minority groups alike are eager to deal with what they perceive is their own maltreatment, and it is incredible to believe that they would have empathy for others.

1.1 Research Objective

This paper is based on the outcome of a PhD dissertation, whose goal it was to investigate the impact of concern for generativity and social identity threats on satisfaction with life amongst the Baka indigenous people. The utilization of Western concepts to understand ethnic populations like the Baka may seem incomprehensible. Nonetheless, Hofer, Busch, Chasiotis, Kärtner and Campos (2008), have stated that a cross-cultural investigation like this one can contribute to scholarship. Imada (2004) has argued that generativity allows for continuity and change within societies. The research focused on discovering the influence of psychosocial issues on satisfaction with life among the Baka indigenous people, as well as the opinions of selected Baka individuals on what can be done to improve their wellbeing. Three constructs were used to structure this study: generativity (McAdams, 2014; Guastello, Guastello & Briggs, 2014; Peterson, 2006; & McAdams, de St Aubin, Logan, 1993), defined as what the Baka people want to leave for posterity; social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), described as who the Baka people are in the context of membership in their ethnic group; and finally, satisfaction with life, which is defined as overall assessment of one’s feelings and attitudes about life at a precise point in time (Diener, Emmons, Larsen & Griffin, 1985). The Baka people’s experiences are investigated from the perspective that they are encountering real challenges in life. Some of these are discussed by David (2013) as usually encountered by minorities, and include racial oppression, cultural oppression (such as sexism or heterosexism) internalized oppression, and/or the devaluation of an individual’s personal self. These concerns have had implications for both the physical and mental health of minority communities. This is true for communities like the Baka, who have been asked to abandon their homeland and reside in the outskirts of the forest that embodies their culture and way of life. Such demands have placed them in situations where they are forced to encounter psychosocial concerns that are assumed to negatively influence their health and wellbeing, and require scholarly attention.

2.0 Research Background

Indigenous peoples globally are experiencing marginalization and discrimination at all levels of their lives, and are exposed to poorer health situations than are many other majority groups (Ohenjo, Willis, Jackson, Nettleton, Good & Mugarura, 2006). Some of these indigenous people are the Baka Forest People, who live in Cameroon, Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville (Paulin, 2007). This research is based on the Baka of Cameroon, who are currently facing what has been described by many as denial by the Cameroon government and other major players with vested interest in the tropical forest in Southeastern Cameroon, of the Baka people’s right to access forest resources. This behavior is consequently alienating Baka people from their culture, and this is negatively influencing their welfare. Living in the forest and depending on it for their livelihood has been customary for the Baka people for thousands of years (Pyhälä, 2012). It is not certain if the Baka ethnic people will continue with their rich culture of oral tradition, manifested by a substantial number of rituals and traditional stories told by the elder Baka to the younger people discussed by Léonard (2011) in the face of rapid changes in their culture. According to McAdams (n.d), life stories may tell much about the culture in which those stories are told, as well as what they articulate about the teller of the story. For example, when Americans talk about their stories of redemption (McAdams, 2006) it is possible to decipher American cultural values. This is also true about Baka rituals and traditional stories. Léonard (1997) speculated that the Baka see their culture as intrinsically linked to the forest. Historically speaking, the Baka, as well as many of the other Forest People in the Central African sub-region such as the Mbuti, have suffered loss of resources and land to colonists, commercial enterprises, and organizations involved in conservation initiatives (Gilbert, Couillard & Kidd, 2009; Pyhälä, 2012). According to Popova (2014), conservation measures forced on indigenous people unleash poverty. It is important that the Baka people participate in decision-making processes such as may be the case with conservation issues that are compromising their future.

A study by Fai (2016) highlights the view that the Baka, as well as other indigenous inhabitants of the central African sub-region have been forced to live in vulnerable conditions that impact their wellbeing. This is so due not only to their dispossession from their ancestral homeland, the tropical rainforest, part of which is under exploitation by multinational corporations that are engaging in logging activities in the region. In addition, another limitation has been imposed upon them by organizations like the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), which is engaged in undertakings that target the conservation of the Central African rain forest. These activities and engagements are intended to protect endangered animals and other protected species from extinction from the actions of illegal poachers and others (Gilbert et al., 2009; Pyhälä, 2012). A study of the Baka indigenous people and others with analogous cultural heritage indicates that the Baka are perpetually experiencing marginalization and poverty (Gilbert et al., 2009; Léonard, 2011; Pyhälä, 2012). In the face of these difficulties, this study investigates the need to support and provide assistance that is contextually relevant to the needs of the Baka people, in order to ensure that these indigenous people have a future that is sustainable and meets their perception of improved wellbeing for themselves and for their future generations.

3.0 Research Methods

The purpose of this research was to find ways to improve the lives of the Baka and other indigenous peoples in the central African region. To accomplish this goal, a qualitative research methodology was adopted that utilized the in-depth interviewing research technique. Six Baka individuals with expert knowledge about the living experiences of Baka people were purposively identified based on the criteria that the individuals selected had expertise knowledge of the population (Palys, 2008). After the individuals had consented to participate, they were assigned pseudo-names and participated in the in-depth interviews. Participants for this research were informed of the meaning of their participation, so that they were able to decide if they wanted to participate or not. Informed consent was considered an important tool in ensuring respect for persons during the research process (Creswell, 2009) and ensuring that their rights and fundamental freedoms were respected in accordance with Article 3 of the Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights (UNESCO, 2005).

The objective of the study was to obtain a variety of perspectives as to what the lived experiences of Baka Forest People are, in deference to difficulties they may be encountering as a community. Interviewees were asked questions within the paradigm of their cognitive representations— targeting, for example, experiences of being dispossessed from their ancestral lands, or sociocultural challenges such as being discriminated against, oppressed, and stereotyped. Questions were framed within the continuum of what they desired to leave for posterity, their perception with respect to rapid social changes and impact on their social identity as a group, what factors were motivating them towards specific goals, and the influences these have on their subjective well-being.

This approach looked at what the interviewees as research participants had in common as they experienced a common phenomenon (Creswell, 2007). Due to the fact that this was not only a description of their lived experiences, but also an interpretive process, the researcher’s interpretation of the participants’ life and world was examined within the context of three broad areas: generativity, or the ways through which adults demonstrate social responsibility according to Imada (2004), and defined as that which the participants as a group looked forward to keeping for posterity. McAdams, Hart and Maruna (1998) as well as Peterson (2006) described generativity as an adult’s ability to assume the role of a responsible parent, mentor, shepherd, guardian, or guide/role model.

Another area of focus was participants’ perception of their identity as a group in the face of quickly changing circumstances impacting their culture. Lastly, the study focused on participants’ subjective view of their satisfaction with life. The objective of the researcher was to understand the shared experiences of the interviewees with respect to given phenomena in order to gain an in-depth understanding of their given situation, described as being asked to leave the forest and settle among other populations such as their Bantu neighbors. The study therefore targeted understanding what it means to be Baka and to be deprived of resources that have largely determined their culture for thousands of years (Pyhälä, 2012). This was considered significant not only to practitioners interested in meeting the welfare needs of communities such as the Baka people, but also relevant for policymakers and other stakeholders responsible for policy initiatives that targets wellbeing issues. To tackle this, an attempt was made to answer the following questions:

1) What kind of future were the Baka people looking forward to and what constituted the impediments to such a future?

2) How can the Baka people maximize their autonomy in the face of a fast-changing global community?

3) Are the Bakagenerally satisfied with any aspects of their lives?

Responses obtained from interviewees were analyzed using Nvivo. Through thematic analysis, meaningful perceptions and experiences were extracted to address the research questions. Interview transcripts were analyzed with the purpose of gaining a richer and deeper understanding of the experiences of the Baka participants. Each question in the transcript was highlighted and assigned heading 1, to change the format of text while the transcripts were still in Word. Transcribed interviews were imported and auto-coded. Transcripts for each of the respondents interviewed were saved in one survey folder with data from each question in a specific node, with each node aligning with a separate question. This allowed for easy identification of common themes among the different participants, and for the identification of the number of participants with statements that shared common themes.

4.0 Research Findings
4.1 Participants
Participants who partook in the research were asked questions that included demographic information such as age, marital status, number of children, level of education, ethnicity, and languages spoken. The questions also covered areas such as participants’ perception of what they aspire to leave for posterity, their perception of their identity, and perception of satisfaction with life. Six interviewees were deliberately selected from two Baka communities (Bifolon and Menzoh), based on the criteria that they were in possession of expert knowledge about their communities on the one hand, and that they played significant leadership roles in their group on the other hand. In addition, they were also selected based on the participants’ firsthand knowledge of themselves and the lived experiences of their compatriots.

Menzoh one of the settlements studied, is about 55 kilometers (34 miles) away from Abong-Mbang, which is the main Maka town center in Eastern Cameroon. Bifolon the second settlement studied is approximately 100 kilometers (62 miles) from Abong-Mbang. Four of the six participants were from Bifolon, while the remaining two were from Menzoh. The participants’ ages ranged between 31-71 years old. All individuals interviewed were Baka and were married. One of the participants did not have a child. However, the remaining 5 participants all had children, with the total number of children ranging from 4-9. Four participants had at least an elementary education (primary school). The remaining two participants had at least attended the level of a secondary education. The participants’ level of income varied with education, signifying that the more the educational level, the higher the level of income. All participants spoke the Baka language, with three participants not only speaking Baka, but were also fluent in French as well. Table 1 contains a breakdown of the demographic information of the interviewees.

4.2 Themes of the Research Findings

The findings of this research were separated into themes obtained from the in-depth included the desire by Baka people to be recognized by others. Sub-themes comprise the desire to be supported by their government, the need to be educated as a means of lifting themselves out of poverty, and the need for the younger generation to become more culturally sensitive about their own culture.

4.2.1 Major Theme One: Need for recognition and an end to Baka exploitation.

The first major theme established from the research findings was based on the first sub- question of the investigation, which desired to find out the kind of future the Baka people are looking forward to and the possible impediments to such a future. This theme pointed to the view that the Baka people are in need of recognition, especially in the face of exploitation by their Bantu counterparts. The Baka indigenous people believe that their future can be greatly improved if the Bantu group stops mistreating and/or exploiting them. Six participants (100%) of the total sample studied shared this experience. Table 2 contains the major themes and sub-themes that pertain to the question of what kind of future the Baka people are looking forward to, and what may constitute the impediments to such a future.

The overall response to this question indicated that the Baka people believe their future will be much brighter if others start to recognize and respect them as equal human beings, rather than people who are sub- human. This perception was one of the five most noteworthy findings of the research. For example, Nurla, who was one of the research participants, admitted that the Baka people were currently not being protected because their Bantu neighbors do not consider their existence as important. They are subjugated and denied recognition by non-Baka individuals. He described their experiences living amongst and with their Bantu fellow citizens as “humiliating”. For example, according to him:

Baka people do not make a lot of money. It’s really bad… Bantu people are exploiting us Baka. It is important that we are protected. In 2001 for example, I was made chief for this village, but the Bantu assume we are not recognized — or that my chieftaincy is not recognized. The Bantu want us the Baka to be under them. Can you imagine that? They do not think we are equals (shakes his head). The district officer says the Baka are not yet recognized. It is so humiliating.

The first sub-theme that emerged was the perception that the Baka people are in need of support from the government with regard to access to the forest. This opinion was shared by four of the interviewees (67%) in the total sample investigated. Avoto, for example, stated that Baka people needed support from the government to keep their forest and save their culture:

The forest is important for our culture. It guards everything about our culture. The problem is that the government is destroying the forest. We do not have elites to protect our forest. We do not know how to defend the forest.

The second sub-theme that emerged from this important question was the perception that the Baka people needed education which will uplift them out of poverty. This opinion was shared by three of the participants (50%). Avoto for example said that their future could develop more if the Baka people had access to education and knowledge. His views were shared in the following manner: “School is important, yes, I believe so. I also think the Baka have to be helped financially. We do not have enough income sources. This remains a challenge for our communities.” Bertrand on his part emphasized the need to live a normal life. He stated that he wanted to see change in their communities through education:

As a Baka person, we want our lives to be like that of every other person in the world. The Baka people have been neglected. We want our lives to change. We are sending our children to school. As Baka people, we have health problems, we need money to pay for things but we do not have any.

The third and last sub-theme that emerged from the study was based on the perception that there was a need for the new generation of Baka youth to be more culturally sensitive, a view shared by two of the participants (33%). Nurla admitted that their children should be more aware of and educated about their culture:

Our children may not understand much about our culture, where we have come from, and where we are going, as a people. That said, I still believe our culture is doing great. We want our children to join the police force, the gendarmerie, be administrators… We are currently not represented in decision-making, which is negatively impacting us as a people.

4.2.2 Major Themes 2 and 3: The need for more opportunities and education to restore dignity and access to other benefits when living at roadsides

The second and third major themes were based on discovering how the Baka people can maximize their newfound freedom, as they now appreciate more opportunities residing at roadsides in the outskirts of the forest, but at the same time they expressed a desire for support services that will further their education, which in their view will restore dignity and access to other benefits. Four of the participants (67%) shared this view. Table 2 contains the major themes and sub-themes pertaining to the sub-question for this section of the study.

Overall, the second major theme described the significance of the Bakas’ transition from forest life to living along major roadsides. This was one of the five most significant findings of the research. For instance, Nurla shared how living by the roadside had given Baka people more access to civilization and opportunities to live normally:

We are very happy to be living by the roadside now. Actually we are. We do not want to go back to the forest. We lived like animals before. We just want to be recognized and given equal status with our Bantu neighbors.

The other major theme identified was based on the sub-question that targeted education as a means of restoring Baka people’s dignity and self-respect. This was one of the five crucial findings of the investigation. By way of illustration, Nurla reiterated the importance of education not only for their future but also as a tool to restore their dignity and respect as humans. The following statement was a true reflection of his words:

Education like I said before is very important, we need to be able to have our dignity restored, and be considered as people who are just as equal to other human beings who are not Baka. We want good things for us. We will like to have good houses; we need healthcare services and other social facilities.

Another sub-theme that emerged was the benefit of having more resources that addressed the basic needs of Baka people currently living on roadsides. This perception was shared by 50% of the total sample population. Bertrand stated that even though their culture was evolving, they believed they had been given more opportunities and resources with which to live:

Our culture in a sense has changed. We now do the things we did not do much like farming. Now we have a variety of food, including cassava, plantains and lots of other foods. Our culture is okay.

One more sub-theme that followed was the opportunity for learning from the older generation of the Baka people as a means of maintaining and enhancing their culture. This perception was shared by 33% of the total sample. As a case in point, Avoto said that learning directly from the Baka people was another approach to preserving their culture, given the contemporary changes in their lives:

I should be able to stay close to my parents to learn about our culture and also pass it on to younger people. That is very important to us as Baka people. That is how we can contribute to our culture.

4.2.3 Major Themes 4 and 5: Satisfaction with life can improve if Baka individuals are treated equally; Baka are satisfied being Baka, as God created them so.

The fourth and fifth major themes were based on the last qualitative sub-question, which was to discover whether Baka people are generally satisfied with any aspects of their lives. Overall, the study found that the Baka people are generally satisfied with life. However, they believed that that satisfaction could improve if Baka individuals are treated equally. Similarly, they proudly stated that they were satisfied being Baka, as they were created so by God. These two major themes were shared by 83% of the sample investigated. Table 3 contains the two major themes and sub-themes pertaining to the second sub-question of the study.

Overall, the fourth major theme of the study was the Baka people’s belief that satisfacción can improve if Baka individuals are treated equally. This was one of the five most important findings of the study. To substantiate this, Nurla admitted that they would be happier if Baka individuals were respected and viewed as equal to other individuals: “I am happy to an extent. We have family to support us, but life could be much better if we were treated as equals to other people, but we are not—at least not yet. We are still viewed as slaves.” Avoto on his part echoed the view that they could be happier and more satisfied with life if others treated them equally and with respect. For example, he said: “I would like to have money; I would like to have an education. I would like to be treated equally like any other person. I would like not to be laughed at when I am going somewhere simply because I am Baka.” Bertrand reiterated that he wants a state of affairs in which Baka people are not mistreated and are respected by other individuals: “First, we want evolution. We do not want people to maltreat us. I want to be viewed like everyone else. I do not want someone to come to my area and give me orders when I have a chief.” Finally, Papa Meyong shared that their lives as Baka people would be better if they were treated equally: “My life has not changed. I would like my life to change in the sense that people know we are Baka and yet treat us fairly.”

The fifth major theme was the general belief that Baka people are satisfied with being Baka, as they were created by God to be Baka people. This was also an important finding of the study. Avoto emphasized that he was happy being a Baka individual, as God had originally created him as one: “I am happy being Baka. God created me Baka, and I am happy.” Bertrand similarly expressed the view that he was happy being Baka and that he would not want to change anything about his identity:

I am happy being Baka. That is what is very important to me. I am happy being Baka, I do not want to change being Baka. When I am Baka, I feel at ease. There is nothing that disturbs me. I am at ease… Yes, generally speaking, I am happy with my life at this point in time.

The first sub-theme was the perception that Baka people are satisfied but need further access to education. 67% of the total population sampled shared this view. Nurla admitted that they were doing fine, but could generally improve if they were given more access to education:

I will say that we have done well, but cannot say for real we are happy. Um-hum, one thing we are asking is that the government should help our children go to school. We need to be educated in order to help our community. Our children do not go to school… Some of us parents do not want them to go to school. We want them to help us at home with income-generating activities. Unfortunately, these children should be in school if the Baka are to survive.

The second sub-theme was the perception that Baka people’s satisfaction can improve if homes were constructed for them. This sub-theme received 67% agreement amongst the total sample. Bertrand described the Baka people as happy, but that they could definitely be happier and more satisfied if homes were built particularly for them: “Baka people are happy. If someone can build us homes and ask us to move into them, we will be happier if that can be done.” Papa Meyong also suggested the need for housing for the Baka people: “The government should give more assistance to Baka people to live better lives, like helping them with seeds for farming, housing, health care and education.” Jackate echoed that satisfaction could be increased if she had a better place to live in: “I would like to have a better place to live, and good health. I do not live in a safe place at the moment, and I am not comfortable. My life should be better.” Finally, Jackate also shared that having proper shelter would bring greater life satisfaction: “I think that the life of an average Baka person should change. In terms of material things, like shelter and basic health, many things need to change about our lives if we are to be happy.”

The third sub-theme was the perception that Baka people’s satisfaction can improve if healthcare support was provided. 67% of participants shared this view. Papa Meyong, for example, stated that there was a need for healthcare support for the Baka people:

I am very happy being Baka; at the same time, I want changes as I have specified. The government should give more assistance to Baka people to live better lives, like helping them with seeds for farming, housing, health care and education.

The fourth sub-theme was the perception that the Baka people are generally happy that they no longer live in the forest. This sub-theme was agreed upon by 33% of the sample. Nurla shared how happy Baka people were that they no longer live in the forest and are now treated as human beings and not animals: “Happy, of course. We are happy we are no longer living in the forest. It has been helpful to us. Now we no longer live like animals, like we used to do before.” Jackate echoed that another source of happiness and satisfaction in life is: “I am happy that I am Baka and that we are no longer living in the forest.”

The fifth to seventh sub-themes received less than 20% occurrences and can be referred to in table 3.

5.0 Discussion

The findings of the study were classified under several major themes and sub-themes. Each of these articulated the real needs of Baka people. The study identified areas where development agents, policymakers, and other interventionists may want to focus their attention for the purpose of improving the wellbeing of Baka people. They should develop programs that are able to promote and enhance the welfare of other minority groups experiencing similar situations. The targeted areas are comprised of three major concentrations. First, effort should be put toward designing programs and policies that will enhance a better future for Baka people; second, programs should target the maximization of the autonomy of Baka people; and third, the programs should be able to improve overall satisfaction with life amongst the Baka people. The approach adopted should emphasize on the main theme plus sub-themes, as expressed by the research participants. Programs as well as policies should adopt a strategy that systematically identifies both risk and protective factors influencing wellbeing, in addition to adopting evidence-based modalities for intervention.

5.1 The Need for Recognition and Respect

Key themes recognized from the thematic analyses pointed to the need for intervention in five main areas, with sub-themes that supported the major areas of concern. The need to institute a system where the Baka people are recognized and respected as a social entity with equal human rights was the first major theme. Existing literature such as found in the works of Achu and Asongu (2015), have described Baka people as stigmatized, despised. and treated like slaves and beggars by their Bantu counterparts. Baka are considered inferior to their Bantu partners, discriminated against very early in life and are facing all forms of stereotypes. The Baka are made to feel that they are inferior to the Bantu populations (Pyhälä, 2012; Simo & Nchoji, 1995; Paulin, 2007). It therefore makes complete sense when they state the need to be recognized by non-Baka people, considering that the relationship that exists between them and their Bantu neighbors is characterized by a system of inequality that does not favor the Baka indigenous people.

5.2 Need for Education and Government Support

The need for recognition was substantiated by three sub-themes: the need for support from the government with regard to allowing Baka people to access forest resources; the need to make education resources more accessible as a means of uplifting Baka people from poverty; and the need for encouragement and support for a new generation of Baka children who are culturally aware of their existing reality, as well as challenges that endanger their culture. In examining the difficulties encountered by the Baka people, it is not sufficient for government to insist on a sedentarization program that will require the Baka people to settle down on logging routes and engage in agriculture (Pyhälä, 2012). Such a policy must be accompanied by provision of the resources and technical know-how that will assist this population with the transition to this new role. This illustrates the lack of government support alluded to in the in-depth interviews. In addition, one of the wishes of the Baka people was to have their children educated. It is believed that such an education will uplift the ethnic group financially from a vicious cycle of poverty. Unfortunately, it will be very difficult to realize this goal if children are not able to go to school either because of an absence of resources, or because children are being teased and marginalized by their fellow Bantu students (Pyhälä, 2012). Without being recognized as people with equal status, Baka indigenous people are marginalized. According to Jack, Ali, and Dias (2014) the Baka people may likely suffer depression under these conditions of severe stressful events. The research findings led to one important aspect of this study, which was to find out how the Baka may maximize their autonomy in the face of a rapidly changing global community where their lives are constantly influenced by realities beyond their own control. Two themes were identified from the interviews that responded to how the Baka people can best be assisted to maximize their autonomy.

5.3 Baka and Maximization of Autonomy

Major themes 2 and 3 posited that the Baka people believe there were more opportunities for them if they were living at the roadsides, as the government had recommended. At the same time, they also believed education was necessary to restore their dignity and make it possible for them to access other benefits. Therefore, it was found that for Baka people to maximize their autonomy, it was essential that the policy of sedentarization should be encouraged in order for Baka people to access opportunities at the roadsides, which were not available when they lived in the forest. This was surprising in the sense that, unlike what was previously thought, inviting the Baka indigenous people to abandon the forest in favor of settling on roadsides was not essentially a bad government policy.

Pyhälä (2012) has described Baka dispossession from their ancestral land (the tropical forest) in problematic ways. Nonetheless, encouraging the Baka people to settle on logging routes will not only ease the government’s ability to keep track of this indigenous people for the purposes of including them in development efforts (Pyhälä, 2012), but also, according to those interviewed, this policy has offered new opportunities for access to resources for the Baka people. At face value, such a policy may have been thought of as negative. However, it is important to note that being asked to leave the forest and settle on roadsides has provided prospects for gaining access to more resources and the acquisition of some degree of formal education. This confirms what Simo and Nchoji (1995) posited: the ability of the Baka people to accept change. Similarly, their desire to have access to resources and opportunities pertains to how generative Baka people are and as discussed by Peterson (2006). Peterson (2006) discussed the concept of generativity within the context of opportunities and constraints provided by society. Available opportunities positively correlate with a generative individual, and an absence of opportunities may accordingly increase concern for generativity on the part of adults who are afraid they may not have something to leave for posterity. According to Pyhälä (2012), the forest remains the basis of the Baka identity, culture and livelihood. Notwithstanding government allocation policies which favor corporate organizations such as logging and mining companies, limiting Bakas’ traditional access to forest resources, the Baka participants interviewed nonetheless felt their culture was in no way under threat of extinction.

5.4 Access to Resources and Preservation of Culture

In addition to the need to access education as a means of maximizing Baka autonomy, there were also other sub- themes. These sub-themes indicated the need to have access to resources that will facilitate a better lifestyle and improve general living conditions for the Baka people. In addition, there was a desire that younger Baka people should be able to access resources that will help them learn from the older generation. The yearning of younger people to learn from the older generation confirms their aspiration to fulfill their generative goals as posited in Erikson’s seventh developmental stage of psychosocial development. This is a major concept underlying this study. Findings indicate Baka people’s ability to be generative and this has a positive and direct influence on satisfaction with life. By wanting the younger generation to learn from their elders, it is believed that this desire is motivated by what McAdams and de St Aubin posited was a cultural demand and an inner desire for the younger generation to behave in a predetermined manner (cited in Hofer et al., 2008). Other themes focused on the need to augment satisfaction with life.

5.5 The Baka and Satisfaction with Life

Major themes 4 and 5 pointed to the view that satisfaction with life among Baka people can be improved if Baka individuals are treated equally like other ethnic groups In-depth interviews targeting this area were based on Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin’s (1985) concept of satisfaction with life. The semi-structured questions investigated the personal experiences of Baka people and their judgmental perception of subjective wellbeing (SWB). Studies carried out by Paulin (2007) described the relationship between the Baka and their Bantu neighbors as unequal, with the Bakas viewed as inferior to their Bantu counterparts. The themes highlight the view that satisfaction with life amongst the Baka people can be improved upon if Baka individuals were treated as fairly as every other ethnic group. On the other hand, the Baka people interviewed pointed out that the Baka as a group were satisfied because in their words, they were created by God and therefore see no reason to be considered less human. This later point was in response to whether if given the opportunity, would they want to be not born Baka. Notwithstanding their happiness being Baka, they nonetheless are conscious of the fact that they are stigmatized by people who are non-Baka. Being stigmatized and stereotyped are indications of discrimination and disrespect from others (Pinel & Paulin, 2005). The in-depth interviews revealed that Baka people are made fun of, accused of wrongdoing, and experience a host of nonverbal cues that are directed at them. Language used to refer to them by their Bantu neighbors consistently points to an absence of dignity and respect. Such treatment may lead to self-schemas, which are psychological structures that necessitate an organized set of clearly held and personally valued beliefs about the self, and which consequently influence social information processing. Other consequences include health and psychological complications such as depression and supplementary comorbid mental health matters (Jack et al., 2014), which are risk factors that can contribute negatively to wellbeing.

Another interesting sub-theme under these findings includes the view shared by a few of the research participants who advocated a separation of the Baka people from their Bantu neighbors. This view supports their desire for autonomy. They believed that being given their own land or territory would promote their autonomy as a people. According to them, separation will reduce the stress that comes from the constant harassment, brutality, and abuse currently being experienced by Baka people. This is directly related to an inability by government to enforce appropriate regulations that will expedite Baka people’s integration with non-Baka groups while minimizing conflict that may result from two divergent cultures coming together. According to Kelman (2008), conflict increases the chances of human distress, and this threatens wellbeing and the survival of the human species. Being displaced from ancestral lands due to government policies and conservation efforts has forced the Baka Forest People into encounters that threaten their way of life and happiness. This is characterized by what Popova (2014) implied were experiences suffered by other indigenous people. People forced from their lands and abandoned at the mercy of poverty, with chances of survival impeded by relationships that Alfred and Corntassel (2005) have described were built on colonial legacies and practices that oppressed minority groups, even in the so-called independent nations.

5.6 Research Limitations

This research had important limitations worth considering. For example, the sample size of six may not be thought of as representative of the views of the total population being studied. Moreover, the utilization of purposive sampling approach possibly limited the range of responses that could have been obtained. However, the choice of sample was based on the characteristics of the population and objectives of the study (Palys, 2008). This was based on identifying people with expert knowledge who were able to identify the real needs of the Baka people in in-depth interviews. In addition, since this was qualitative research, researcher bias cannot be disregarded (Creswell, 1998). In any study, especially those which have adopted the cross-cultural approach, the influence of researcher bias plays an important role. For example, the interpretation of the results of the findings were influenced by researcher bias. In addition, the utilization of Western concepts in examining non-Western communities is problematic. Unfortunately, there were no available equivalent concepts for this ethnic group. It is possible therefore that the psychological concepts may not have had much resonance with this particular population.

5.7 Recommendations

The findings of this study directly impact public policy. For example, program intervention and how research on issues impacting the wellbeing of indigenous and other minority groups can be conducted. Any form of intervention to improve the wellbeing of the Baka indigenous people in the central African region should not ignore the various areas of concern illustrated by the findings of this study. According to the International Labor Organization (2013), “indigenous and tribal peoples shall enjoy the full measure of human rights and fundamental freedoms without hindrance or discrimination,” as stated in Article 3(1), ILO Convention, No. 169. Any public policy interventions by policymakers must be built within the framework of this article. In addition, any form of intervention should be evidence-based, a view shared by the American Psychological Association (APA). According to the APA, prevention programs should be evidence-based and relevant to the community’s interest. Such programs need to be ethical and target problem behaviors, while at the same time enhancing health-supporting behaviors (Romano, 2015). Interventions for this population should be framed within the context of the Baka culture and should incorporate the socio-cultural contextual variables that may be enhancing the population’s risk factors (Jack, Ali, and Dias, 2014). This view is also shared by Imada (2004) as well as Ellemers and Haslam (2012). It is therefore suggested that interventions that target the Baka people’s subjective wellbeing should take a comprehensive strategic approach that incorporates not only expertise and the involvement of important stakeholders, but also a strategy that empowers the Baka indigenous populations to be energetically involved in the decision-making processes.

5.8 Suggestions for Future Research

To be able to improve the wellbeing of the Baka people, major players who partake in Baka life and wield power need to acknowledge that the Baka people are experiencing varied forms of injustices, that their human rights are abused, and that they are oppressed both by individuals and the existing system. If the outgroup is preoccupied with their own hurts, as argued by Goodman (2001), it will be impossible for them to acknowledge the Baka people’s suffering. Therefore, it is important that the dominant group’s concerns are also acknowledged. Without the inclusion of these other significant actors, tackling the problem of the Baka indigenous people will be difficult. This implies that any future research should adopt an all-inclusive approach that incorporates significant other parties who influence the wellbeing of the Baka indigenous people. This should be done with the understanding that, without the dominant group examining their own hurts and dealing with them, it will be difficult for them to acknowledge the suffering of others.

5.9 Conclusion

In conclusion, the premise of this study was grounded in the view that there were certain daily challenges faced by the Baka Forest People for which they were not responsible. These challenges directly impact the human rights of the Baka people and consequently their wellbeing. Employing a qualitative research methodology and the administration of in-depth interviews to a selected number of Baka people, opinions suggested by them, targeted three important areas that need intervention. Those interviewed recommended what could be done to maximize the Baka people’s autonomy and what in their view will enhance their future happiness. In addition, a crucial area mentioned by them, was the management of forest resources. Popova (2014) hypothesized that conservation efforts when forced on indigenous people unleashes poverty. Therefore, an important approach should include how to involve the Baka indigenous people in decisions revolving around the management of forest resources. It is hoped that listening to the voices of the participants in this study and adopting the findings as portrayed, policymakers, development agents, and other stakeholders will not grope in the dark, but will instead be successful in devising winning programs that meet the development and psychosocial needs of BakaForest People.

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Article published at: www.iiste.org

Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN (Paper)2224-5766 ISSN (Online)2225-0484 (Online)
Vol.6, No.22, 2016

CURRENT ISSUES FACING THE FOREST PEOPLE IN SOUTH- EASTERN CAMEROON: THE DYNAMICS OF BAKA LIFE AND THEIR ETHNIC RELATIONSHIP WITH FARMERS

Shiho HATTORI

Faculty of International Studies, Tenri University

Published in: African Study Monographs, Suppl. 47: 97–119, March 2014

ABSTRACT This paper examines the dynamics of the relationship between Baka hunter-gatherers and farmers in the forests of southeastern Cameroon, focusing on 2 aspects of this situation: Changes in the Baka lifestyle and the attitudes of the 2 ethnic groups toward the external society.As a result of the sedentarization policy promoted by the government since the 1950s, thenomadic Baka hunter-gatherers have settled near the farmers’ villages. This transformation has made the Baka more economically and politically dependent on the farmers. In recent decades, the introduction of logging companies, tourism businesses, and conservation agencies to the forest in which the Baka reside has created conflicts of interest between these outside actors and the Baka with regard to forest resources. The majority of the benefits generated by these outside agencies have gone to farmers’ groups, and the Baka have been marginalized politically andeconomically. Interventions by outside agencies appear to play a decisive role the future sustainability of the Baka way of life.

Key Words: Baka hunter-gatherers; Konabembe farmers; Cameroon; Marginalization; Transformation of life; Ethnic relationship.

INTRODUCTION

In late July 2001, a local forest officer organized a meeting to initiate a forest conservation project in Malea Ancien village in southeastern Cameroon. The meeting was attended by Konabembe farmers and Baka hunter-gatherers who were living in one Konabembe hamlet. The forest officer and a facilitator selected among the Konabembe sat on chairs and the Konabembe farmers sat on wooden benches that had been provided, but the Baka hunter-gatherers sat on boards thatthey had brought. The officer provided an explanation of the establishment of new national parks and hunting regulations in French, which the facilitator subsequently translated to the Konabembe language.

The Konabembe response to this announcement contrasted sharply with that of the Baka. The Konabembe opposed the new arrangements, arguing that they could not live in the forest under such strict regulations. Moreover, they demanded that the officer improve their standard of living by establishing schools and health clinics. In contrast, the Baka remained silent. They looked drifting and dreaming. The organizers attended to the Konabembe, who insisted on their rights, but ignored the Baka. Immediately following the meeting, all of the Baka attendees left for the forest, whereas the Konabembe attendees remained and continued to discuss the project among themselves.

Why did the Baka not participate in the important discussion, given that the proposed project could affect their livelihood, which depends on the forest? Couldtheir silence reflect the ethnic relationship between and the political issues dividing the Baka and the Konabembe? The Baka depend on the Konabembe not only to obtain commodities in exchange for forest products and labor, but also to negotiatewith the government, conservation agencies, and traders.

The inequality of this relationship is apparent. Indeed, the local people assume that the Konabembe are superior to the Baka, who fear violence at the hands of the Konabembe. As most administrative officers have tacitly accepted this ethnic inequality, meetings are always conducted in French and translated into the Konabembe language. As the Baka are multilingual, they can understand the Konabembe language. However, it may be difficult for them to express their opinions, given that officials habitually ignore them and the Konabembe exert social pressure on them.

Considerable research has been conducted on the ethnic relationship between farmers and Pygmy hunter-gatherers in the rainforest of central Africa (Takeuchi, 2001; Terashima, 2001; Rupp, 2003; Hanawa, 2004; Kitanishi, 2010; Sakanashi, 2010; Matsuura, 2011; Oishi, 2012a; 2012b). These studies have shown that farmers and Pygmy hunter-gatherers share a mutually dependent relationship with regard to lifestyle and culture while holding ambivalent attitudes about one another characterized by both discrimination and respect, as well as loving-kindness andhate. The degree and specific features of this interdependence vary among ethnic groups and locations.

The authors of recent studies (Terashima, 2001; Hanawa, 2004) have emphasized that ethnic relationships between Pygmy hunter-gatherers and farmers should be understood in the appropriate regional and historical contexts. For example, several studies have focused on changes in lifestyle and ethnic relationships during the past 50 years. Van de Sandt (1999) reported that community divisions in western Cameroon were exacerbated when more Bagyeli adopted farming. This increased conflict led to the seizure of Bagyeli land by farmers. Matsuura (2011) observed increased reliance on farming and a move toward sedentarization among the Babongo in Gabon, but frequent intermarriage with Masango farmers resulted in increased integration between the 2 ethnic groups.

As in other Pygmy societies, sedentarization and increased reliance on farming have been also observed among Baka hunter-gatherers. In previous decades, con- tact with other actors, such as logging companies, conservation organizations, and sport hunting businesses, have changed the relationship between the Baka and the Konabembe.

The objective of this paper is to examine the changing relationship between the Baka and Konabembe by focusing on 2 aspects of Baka cultural dynamics:1) transformations in the livelihood of the Baka during the past 50 years, and 2) the ways in which the Baka have related to other actors who have recently entered the forest in which they reside.

I first describe the characteristics of Baka livelihood-related activities using quantitative and qualitative data on residential patterns, subsistence activities, food intake, and household composition. I proceed to a comprehensive analysis of transformations in Baka livelihood. Based on these analyses, I examine the eco- nomic changes resulting from sedentarization and the spread of a cash economy. Third, I describe political and economic differences between these 2 ethnic groups, focusing on negotiations with outside actors. Finally, I discuss how Baka society and the ethnic relationship with the Konabembe have changed as a result of local policies and the economic conditions of southeastern Cameroon.

STUDY AREA AND METHOD

Study Area

The study area, Malea Ancien village, is located in the Boumba-Ngoko Department of the East Region of the Republic of Cameroon (N 02° 49’, E 14° 36’; see Preface, in this volume). The capital of Boumba-Ngoko District is Yokadouma, which is approximately 600 km southeast of Yaoundé, the capital of Cameroon. Ngato Nouveau is about 30 km south of Yokadouma, and Malea Ancien village is about 80 km southwest of Ngato Nouveau. A new logging road extending to Malea Ancien was constructed in the area between the boundary of Ngato Nouveau and the Boumba River. Malea Ancien village extends another 9 km to the Bek River, which serves as 1 village boundary. The village contains 8 clusters of dwellings.

According to the population census conducted by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) (cited by Halle, 2000), 307 people resided in this village in 2000. The major ethnic groups were Baka hunter-gatherers andKonabembe Bantu farmers. The central cluster of Malea Ancien village was chosen as the study area. The population consisted of 118 Baka (56 men and 62 women in July 2004) and 68 Konabembe (37 men and 31 women in February 2002).

I first review the recent history of the nomadic Baka community. About 100 years ago, the Baka resided in a region of what is now the Central African Republic alongside an ethnically distinct group of farmers. A language similar to the present Baka language (Bahuchet, 1993) was used in the farming community. When slave traders entered the forest, the Baka evacuated to the south and settled in the farming community of Cameroon. According to Konabembe elders, the Baka arrived at Malea Ancien from Madjwe, about 110 km northeast of present Malea Ancien, approximately 100 years ago. This move was caused by the First World War, as the Baka sought to escape from the intense conflict between Germany and France in this area.

After the First World War, France was granted a mandate to administer easternCameroon. At that time, the nomadic Baka were moving among camps in the forest, and the Konabembe farmers were living in permanent dwellings in the forest. The French administration forced both groups to participate in compulsory labor and reside in settlements along the road. The Konabembe farmers adopted this sedentarization policy, whereas the nomadic Baka hunter-gatherers managed to escape to the forest (Joiris, 1998). In the 1950s, however, the second phase of the settlement policy was enforced, and the Baka relinquished their nomadic lifestyle, settling in extant Konabembe communities (Althabe, 1965; Joiris, 1998).

In 1960, Cameroon was granted independence and a new government was established. Since independence, the government, international donors, and NGOs have tried to promote farming, education, and democracy among the Baka (Hewlett,

2000).
A logging company built the access road to Malea Ancien in March 2001 and

was granted a logging concession through September 2002. The road not only brought merchants and traders from Yokadouma, but also allowed community members (mainly Konabembe) to travel to towns and villages. In August 2001, at the onset of logging operations, forest conservation program staff and hunting regulators funded by the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) were able to use the road to gain access to this area.

In June 2002, the first primary school was opened in the study area. By January 2003, seasonal merchants and traders had begun to establish shops in the farmers’ communities. In 2004, the WWF established a project base near the Bek River, about 3 km southwest of the study area. By 2006, a tourism company had started to operate in the forest about 50 km northwest of the study area. Interactions between the Baka and Konabembe, as well as those with external actors, intensified duringthis period.

Method

I collected data for this study during about 30 months between 2001 and 2009. Quantitative data were collected on the types and patterns of housing, subsistence activities, food intake, and household assets and income. Information about the first 3 factors was collected according to season during 2 weeks per month in August 2001–February 2002 and March–July 2004. In this region, a major rainy season lasts from September to November, a major dry season lasts from December to February, a minor rainy season lasts from March to June, and a minor dry season lasts from July to August.

Additionally, I interviewed Baka elders about their past and compared these data with the present situation. I also observed the responses of Baka people in public community meetings related to conservation projects and interviewed Baka and Konabembe attendees.

Types and patterns of residential site

Data on residential sites and campsites were recorded for every individual in the study area (105 persons from August 2001 to February 2002 and 118 persons from March to July 2004). When individuals were absent, I obtained information about their campsites from family members and checked the accuracy of this information when they returned home. Major campsites were georeferenced with a handheld GPS device and plotted on a map in March and July 2004.

Subsistence activities

Details of the subsistence activities of 10 adult males and 10 adult females were recorded. When Baka individuals engaged in 2 subsistence activities during the same period, which occurred frequently during dry seasons, each activity was accorded 0.5 point.

Food intake

I itemized and weighed the food items delivered by heads of households or their spouses to the residential sites and campsites of 5 households. Using this information about staples and other foods, I calculated the average daily food intake per adult, counting a child younger than 12 years as 0.5 of an adult. The caloric intake was calculated as follows:

Daily caloric intake = (wet weight of food items × percentage of total edible weight(1) × nutritional value(2) of food items) / observation days.

Household income

During 129 days in the first study period (September 2001–February 2002), 1 household allowed me to record the sources, value, and uses of its cash income. This household consisted of 6 persons: A husband and wife, an adolescent male, an adolescent female, and 2 young children.

Household commodities and assets

In August 2001, 26 households resided in the dwelling sites and camping/mobile sites of the study area. I recorded the household commodities and assets in every household, and obtained information about the items they had discarded or obtained during a subsequent visit made to investigate medicinal plants (Hattori, 2012).

LIVELIHOOD OF THE BAKA

Residential Patterns

In this section, I describe the patterns characterizing Baka residential sites. The Baka in the study area used dwelling sites in the village, campsites in the forest, and satellite dwelling sites between these 2 areas. They usually resided in domed houses with thatched roofs. At several dwelling sites in the village, they constructed box houses with mud walls, which are characteristic of houses in farming communities.

These Baka houses surrounded a common area used for singing and dancing. A meeting hut was constructed near the road (Fig. 1), and relatives and families lived next to one another. The Konabembe dwelling site, which contained trading shops, was located about 15 m east of the Baka dwelling site. A primary school that only irregularly offered lessons because of its remote location was located on the opposite side of the road.

Konabembe elders reported that previous generations of Konabembe and Baka had immigrated to this area a century ago. They claimed that large primary forests were located in this area at that time. However, the area now contains only slash-and-burn agricultural areas and secondary forest.

The Baka cleared the secondary forest to create a satellite campsite about 2 km west of the permanent dwelling site. In the early 2000s, they established a new satellite campsite about 2.5 km east of the permanent dwelling site in an area that had been cleared by the logging company, which had left in August 2001. This location became a permanent second dwelling site. Many farms in this secondary forest belonged to the Konabembe. One of the nearest, a Konabembe house, was located about 50 m from the Baka dwelling site. Several Baka hunter-gatherers also established farms in this area.

Even as the Baka’s primary and satellite dwelling sites became permanent, their forest campsites shifted from year to year. Campsite locations were often determinedby the harvest of yams and fruits and the distribution of game. Hence, many possible campsites were scattered in the forest. Many campsites traditionally used by the Baka were located 10 km north of the road between Malea Ancien and Ngato Ancien.

The Baka depend heavily on forest products, and their forest campsites are of 2 types: Molongo campsites, used for multiple subsistence activities, and hunting campsites, used for hunting and gathering activities. Molongo implies a nomadic forest life, and molongo campsites are used for several months by as few as 1 household to as many as all households in a village. In 2004, the Baka community remained at the Bagala camp, at side stream of Bek Rivers, fora long period of time because a large colony of wild yams (safaDioscorea prae- hensilis Benth) was found on a nearby slope. This site was 15 km northwest of the permanent dwelling site, and the Baka had to establish 2 additional campsites(Labum and Anjange) to reach the Bagala camp.

Hunting campsites are often used for a type of hunting known as makaMakalasts from a few days to a few weeks and involves a few to dozens of men. A hunting camp was established in the forest, 20 km northwest of the dwelling site, and used from March to July 2004.

Gathering campsites are often established in the minor dry season to harvestpekie [Irvingia gabonensis (Aubry-Lecomte ex. O’Rorke) Baill.], mabi [Baillonella toxisperma (Pierre)], and tondo a sua [Aframomum letestuanum (Gagnepain)]. These fruits are important commodities for the Baka, and seasons are referred to as “pekie” and “mabi” in the Baka language. Women extract oil from pekie seeds, and pekie juice is make into drinks for children and women. Mabi produces oilto sell for cash income, and its pulp is used for snacks. Tondo a sua fruit is a valuable commodity for generating cash income. The Baka did not establish gathering campsites during the period of my study, but such sites can remain in use for up to 1 month in good harvest years.

Figure 2 presents the proportion of the Baka population residing at each site. Permanent dwelling sites were used by an average of 44% (range, 19–58%) of the Baka population. An average of 24% (range, 7–37%) of the population used semi-permanent sites. Hunting campsites were used by an average of 5% (range, 0–13%) of the Baka population, chiefly because only men used these sites. Each year, an average of 13% (range, 5–22%) of the total Baka population lived separately from their families. This situation was partly because some Bakaindividuals stayed with relatives elsewhere, and others worked for the Konabembe at the latter’s net fishing site. Members of the study population had many relativesin Song Ancien, about 30 km northeast of Malea Ancien, and considerable movement occurred between these villages. Between 39% and 58% of the total Baka population used the molongo campsite during the major dry and minor rainy seasons, reflecting the characteristic seasonal movement of these people.

The use of forest campsites has changed. Baka elders explained that when they were young, in the 1950s and 1960s, they spent most of their time with their families and relatives at forest campsites. Currently, they spend only a few monthsduring the major dry season and minor rainy season in the forest, using their dwell- ing sites as a base and moving to the forest campsites for hunting and gathering. Similar findings from other Baka communities have been reported (Hayashi, 2000; Bundo, 2001; Kitanishi, 2003; Yasuoka, 2006a).

Subsistence Activities

In this section, I examine the effects of changes in residential pattern on subsistence activities. Baka men hunt mammals, reptiles, and birds, choosinga particular hunting method and tool according to the ecology of their prey. The main method used is snare trapping, and they have used steel wire for snares since the 1960s. Baka men staying at the forest camp check the trapping sites almost every day. On other occasions, several Baka men may go spear hunting for 1 day without spending the night in the forest. Prey species include ungulates, such as Peter’s duikers (Cephalophus callipygus), bay duikers (C. dorsalis), and red river hogs (Potamachoerus porcus).

Baka women gather plants and fruit. A woman and her daughter(s) or sister(s) form groups for the purpose of performing gathering activities in the forest. They gather koko (Gnetum africana Welw. and G. buchholzianum Engl.) leaves, wild yams, wild fruit, mushrooms, and certain edible insects. At times, Baka menperform gathering activities when they are in the forest, and they also join women’sgathering groups. However, the primary gathering jobs of men are climbing to harvest honey from beehives and cutting down palm trees to harvest sap for palm wine.

Both men and women fish. Women engage in fish bailing. A dozen women construct a dam from fallen trees and mud, creating a small pool in the river. They then bail the water out until they can see and catch fish, shrimp, and crabs. Men engage in line fishing alone or with their sons. Both men and women engage in poison fishing, in which poison bark is beaten to extract sap and placed in the water to poison fish. I was unable to observe this method during the study period.

Both men and women engage in farming. Sedentarization have accelerated the adoption of farming by the Baka community. Slash-and-burn agriculture involves the selection of a field, clearing of vegetation, burning, planting, and weeding. However, the Baka in my study area planted seeds in a field near their semi-permanent dwelling site that had already been cleared by other people in the area. The Baka planted only bananas (plantains and sweet varieties) and cassava, whereas the Konabembe usually planted groundnuts, maize, cacao, sweet potatoes, tobacco, pineapple, and sugar cane. As Baka crops are not sufficient to supply staple foods to entire households, the Baka obtain the majority of their food by working on Konabembe farms.

The Baka people perform a variety of jobs for Konabembe farmers. Women weed and harvest in the fields, fetch water and firewood, make palm oil, gather forest products, and weave mats. Although they work primarily for cash income, they sometimes work in exchange for farm products and tobacco. Baka men cut trees to clear fields, help with net fishing, monitor traps, thatch roofs, and make tools. These activities are performed primarily for cash income, but Baka men sometimes work in exchange for distilled alcohol and tobacco. Payments from the Konabembe may include second-hand clothes and kitchen utensils.

Figure 3 shows the subsistence activities in which the Baka engage. During the major rainy season, gathering (2–6%) and fishing (0–3%) become difficult; men switch to hunting (12–21%) to obtain protein-rich foods and women work for the Konabembe (31–46%) to obtain staple foods.

During the major dry season, the Baka’s gathering (21%) and fishing (11%) activities increase, whereas men reduce their hunting (10%) activities. Working for the Konabembe (45%) remains the major activity. The Baka work for the Konabembe in the field in the morning, then hunt, fish, and gather wild yams in the forest until dark. At the end of the dry season, the Baka travel to the molongoforest campsite (43%) and remain there to harvest wild yams and honey, fish, and hunt (14%) until the onset of the minor rainy season.

During the minor rainy season, the Baka move from the molongo site to the permanent dwelling site and begin working for the Konabembe (48%). Their engagement in honey harvesting increases (6–16%), whereas that in fishing decreases (4–6%) as the river’s water level rises.

When the minor dry season arrives, the Baka engage in gathering (13–45%) of wild fruit. Women harvest pekie and mabi throughout the day and are some- times joined by men for gathering activities. During this season, their work for the Konabembe decreases (15–24%), as they exchange pekie and mabi for farm products.

The diversified livelihood activities of the Baka include hunting, gathering, fishing, and engaging in farm labor for farmers. Their engagement in farm labor is directed primarily at earning cash income, and they are far less engaged in working on their own farms. Other studies (Hayashi, 2000; Kitanishi, 2003; Yas-uoka, 2012) have found that sedentarization accelerated the adoption of farming by the Baka as a subsistence strategy. In my study area, however, farming has been less important (0–14%), and the Baka work as farm laborers for the Konabembe in exchange for staple foods. In other words, the Baka community in Malea Ancienappeared to depend heavily on the Konabembe’s farming activities and the prod- ucts therefrom.

Food Intake

Table 1 summarizes the daily food intake of the Baka. On average, 1 Baka adult consumed 1359–1491 kcal (89–98%) from staple foods (bananas and cas- savas). 1 individual consumed 192 kcal (11%) from wild yams at the molongocampsite during the major dry and minor rainy seasons. The farming activities of the Baka do not enable self-sufficiency, and they depended on the Konabembe for staple foods. In addition to staples, 1 adult consumed 274–491 kcal (90–98% of non-staple food) from forest products. Although the types of food varied according to season, the main forest products were game (86% of forest products) during the major rainy season; shrimp, crabs, and fish during the major dry and minor rainy seasons (8% and 13%, respectively); and honey during the minor dry and minor rainy seasons (37% and 41%, respectively). During the rainy season, when hunting and fishing are difficult, they consumed cassava leaves (27–29%).

Baka elders reported that they consumed the following items as staple foods when they were young (in the 1950s and 1960s): Wild yams and mbalaka(Pentaclethra macrophylla Benth), bemba [Gilbertiodendron dewevrei (De Wild.) J. Leonard], pandako (Calpocalyx dinklagei Harms), seed cores of meko (Cola rostrata K. Schum), and palm piths. As these food items require laborious preparation, farm products now serve as their staple foods. For example, Baka mothers formerly used the fruit of koka [Atractogyne bracteata (Wernham) Hutch and Dalziel] to wean babies, whereas they now use ripe bananas for this purpose.

Wild yam is among the Baka’s favorite foods. This food may continue to be a staple, as it grows in colonies and is easily harvested in bulk. However, Baka individuals have become more accustomed to farm than to forest products. According to my data, farm products accounted for about 76% of their total annual food intake (i.e., including non-staple foods) and 94% of their intake of staples, in terms of calories. Indeed, sedentarization led to changes in the subsistence activities of the Baka, which has influenced their diet. Currently, young Baka individuals consume considerable quantities of farm products and tend to associate traditional forest food with the ancient Baka (jo na kobo).

Household Commodities

When in the forest, the Baka gather materials from which they make tools. They also purchase industrial products from the Konabembe and merchants. Table 2 presents the types of tool and material sources. I identified 148 types of commodity in Baka households. The major items were 78 types of tool (53%), all but 3 of which were made from plant materials; the exceptions were 3 items (spears, axes, and knives) made from iron. The households contained 47 types of industrial tool (32%) purchased from the Konabembe and merchants, 10 types of other tools (7%) made from recycled materials, 7 types of tool (4%) made from animal skin or horns, and 6 types (4%) in other categorie.

According to one Baka elder, almost all hunting tools were made from plant materials during her youth; the exception was spears, which had iron blades. Clothes were also made from tree bark, and belts were made from plants. Earthen pots made by the Konabembe were used for cooking, and the Baka made wooden spoons and cups from fruit shells. Currently, the Baka use recycled nails andradio antennas left by the logging company to make tools. However, the laborious manufacturing process and lack of durability of these items have led the Baka to prefer tools and clothes made in factories. Currently, hunting tools are made from steel wire, and clothes and cooking utensils are usually bought at shops.

Household Income

I will now turn to a discussion of the sources of the cash income with which the Baka purchase manufactured tools and other commodities. Baka men provide labor for Konabembe farms, game meat, goods such as thatched roofs, and homemade cooking utensils. They also sell forest products to merchants. Baka women sell hand-woven mats made from raffia palm leaves or plant products from the forest.

Figure 4 presents income details for 1 Baka household. During 129 observation days, this household earned 17,200 CFA francs (FCFA)(3) by selling game meat and forest plant products and providing farm labor and selling homemade tools to the Konabembe. About 45% of the total household income came from the sale of game meat, and 17% came from labor. In total, 62% of the cash income of this Baka household originated with the Konabembe, implying that the Baka depend heavily on the Konabembe economy.

Figure 5 summarizes the total expenditures of this household. Household members spent 45% of their income on staple foods, 35% on clothes and utensils, and 16% on alcoholic beverages and tobacco. As they were not self-sufficient with regard to staple foods, they spent money on farm products purchased from theKonabembe. The Baka purchased 61% of their goods, including alcohol and tobacco, from the Konabembe. They purchased 35% of their manufactured goods from merchants.

Baka elders reported that they had never used cash with the Konabembe or merchants before the introduction of the cash economy. The Baka formerly bartered with Konabembe farmers, exchanging forest products or labor forcommodities, such as farm products, alcohol, cooking pots, and salt made from the ash of raffia palms. Currently, Konabembe farmers pay in cash, farm products,and/or second-hand clothes. The Baka formerly bartered forest products for accessories, underwear, clothes, and salt from merchants. Currently, the Baka purchase these manufactured goods with cash.

The Baka whom I studied have increased their economic dependence on the Konabembe since the advent of the cash economy. This situation contrasts withthose of Baka in other villages, who have planted cacao (Hayashi, 2000; Kitanishi, 2003; Oishi, 2012a) and sold game meat (Yasuoka, 2006b) as sources of cashincome.

RELATIONSHIPS AMONG THE BAKA, FARMERS, AND OUTSIDERS

The Baka’s strong dependence on the Konabembe is not limited to materials and economic stability, but also extends to the political arena. In recent years, logging companies, conservation groups, and tourism operations have entered the forest, exposing the Baka to the outside world. In this section, I focus on the manner in which the Baka and Konabembe deal with the outside world.

Relationships with Logging Companies

Southeastern Cameroon has been the site of forest logging since the 1970s, and these operations had expanded into remote forest areas by the 1990s. In my study area, the CFE logging company began operations after the construction of a new logging road and ceased operations in May 2001. The SIBAF loggingcompany took over in November 2001 and continued operating until September 2002. During this period, under the auspices of the local government, each company provided the local community with cash and other commodities in exchange for forest concessions.

CFE paid the Konabembe chief 3 million FCFA, three 100-kg sacks of rice, 4 dozen bottles of beer, 3 dozen 500-ml containers of cooking oil, three 5-kg bags of salt, 20 bars of soap, and 50 fish. The chief paid 150,000 FCFA administrative fee to a local administrator, and the remaining 2.85 million FCFAwas divided among the village residents. In the absence of negotiation, the chief gave the Baka representatives only 300,000 FCFA, 1 sack of rice, 2 dozen bottles of beer, 2 bottles of oil, 1 bag of salt, some soap, and almost all of the fish (of which the Konabembe eat little).

The Baka representatives distributed 200,000 FCFA among the male Baka elders and 100,000 FCFA to the remaining male adults. The other commodities were divided among all of the men. The men distributed the cash to family members, and the commodities were used in their households. For example, one man gave his mother and wife 1,500 FCFA each and his sister 1,000 FCFA. The remaining money was used to purchase an axe, shirts, shorts, plates, rice, and alcohol and to repay a loan from a Konabembe individual.

SIBAF did not pay the Konabembe chief in cash, but gave him 40 machetes, 1 dozen 1-L bottles of wine, 1 100-kg sack of rice, and 1 dozen 500-ml containers of oil. According to the Konabembe chief, the Mayor of Yokadouma siphoned off 8.4 million FCFA as the price for the concession. The Konabembe chief gave the Baka representatives a few machetes, which were shared among Baka community members.

Interactions with the logging company continued during its period of operation in the area. Some residents became employees of the company, and some started to trade farm products and game meat with employees who lived in towns. Almost all local employees were Konabembe farmers; the company employed only a few Baka, and these employees had seasonal contracts.

The wages of these 2 groups also differed. The Konabembe earned 1,000 FCFAper day, whereas the Baka earned 500 FCFA. The Konabembe were employed on a monthly basis for periods of 2–3 months and earned 60,000–90,000 FCFA,whereas the Baka were offered daily contracts. The Konabembe earned extra cash income through the sale of farm products and alcoholic beverages to the company and its employees.

These arrangements with the logging company resulted in a significant difference in the cash incomes of the Konabembe and Baka. Upon payment for the logging concession, the Konabembe received 37,500 FCFA per person, whereas the Baka received 2,800 FCFA per person; that is, the Konabembe received 10 times more than the amount received by the Baka. The Baka have also relied on the Konabembe for negotiation with outsiders, and the tendency of the Baka to depend on the Konabembe in the political domain may have widened the economic inequality between these ethnic groups. Indeed, the logging company recognized the inequality between the 2 groups and took advantage of the Baka.

Interactions with Forest Conservation Organizations

As forest logging proceeded rapidly in southeastern Cameroon during the 1990s,a forest conservation project was established in the late 1990s, and many meetingswere organized at the community level to promote community-based forest conservation. These meetings usually involved discussions about the establishment of national parks, demarcation of game reserves, definition of user rights, and organization of the Community Wildlife Resource Management Committee [Comité de Valorisation des Ressources Fauniques (COVAREF)], which controlled hunt- ing by establishing hunting seasons and quotas, and trade bans on trophy and game-meat hunting by local residents.

As described in the initial part of this paper, the Baka community representa- tives in my study area were invited to the Konabembe meeting hall on August 12th, 2001. 27 Konabembe men, 7 elder Konabembe women, and 12 Baka men attended this meeting. Administrative officers and a facilitator selected from the Konabembe village sat at the center of the meeting. The Konabembe participants sat inside the hall in eager anticipation, whereas the Baka sat outside the hall. After the meeting, all of the Konabembe men remained for the environmental educationworkshop, whereas the Baka men did not seem interested in the project and left for the forest. 3 such meetings were held before 2006, but the response of the 2 ethnic groups remained unchanged.

I will now turn to an examination of the degree of participation of the 2 ethnic groups. COVAREF consisted of representatives from each dwelling cluster in thevillages. This committee played a role in receiving and distributing trophy-hunting concessions and was also responsible for patrolling for poachers. The COVAREFchapter in this area was established in 2002 to manage the 111-ha community forest (Defo et al., 2005). 13 villages were located on the road between Malea Nouveau and Ngato Ancien, and the committee consisted of 31 members [27 Konabembe men, 1 Konabembe woman, and 3 Baka men, according to WWF (personal communication)]. As only Baka people resided in Ngato Ancien village, the representatives from this area had to be Baka. 3 Konabembe, including the chief, were elected to the committee from Malea Ancien.

I conducted interviews with 7 Baka men and 5 Baka women in July 2006. They had no knowledge of the hunting zones or establishment of COVAREF. In contrast, most Konabembe were aware of the role of this committee. The Konabembe chief noted that they had not received some concession fees because Malea Ancien was too far from Malea Nouveau to permit their attendance at the regular meetings. He was therefore negotiating for an additional maize milling machine and chainsaw for the community in Malea Ancien.

In terms of interactions with the forest conservation project, the Konabembe actively participated in the program to reap the benefits it offered, whereas the Baka did not devote much attention to the project. The Baka appeared to be under the control of the Konabembe with regard to local political issues. The administrative body did not acknowledge that the Baka did not have equal representation on the management committee, but the officers were eager to listen to the Konabembe, who insisted that the project respect their rights.

Interactions with the Tourism Company

A safari hunting company has been operating in the forest of southeastern Cameroon since the 1980s (Joiris, 1998), and safari hunting is permitted in the general hunting zones from January to June. The company operating adjacent to my study area began operations in 2006, which has created conflict over land and natural resources.

This tourism company, owned by a Turkish individual, operated in an area that contained many Baka forest campsites. The company’s owner was displeased with the Baka’s activities in the general hunting zone, in which the government had prohibited hunting by local people. He sometimes threatened the Baka and Konabembe communities by firing a gun at dogs belonging to Baka individuals or boats belonging to Konabembe individuals. Hence, some Baka were afraid to enter the forest.

During the molongo trip of 2004, the tourists established their hunting camp near the Baka’s traditional Bagala campsite, which the Baka found increasingly difficult to use. In 2006, the Baka began to avoid using the Bagala site, and some Baka did not enter this general hunting zone for molongo or other hunting activities. To sustain their livelihood, the Baka used another area for molongoand hunting, but the tourism operator found the Baka to be antagonistic, as they continued to hunt without his permission when he was absent. On the other hand, the Baka stated that the owner continued to prevent them from engaging in traditional subsistence activities.

The Konabembe also found the owner to be antagonistic to their hunting in the general hunting zone, as he fired a gun in the vicinity of their village. The Konabembe chief finally sent a statement to the Ministry of Forestry about this assault by the tourism company. On July 13, 2003, forestry officials led an investigation into this matter. However, according to the chief, nothing has been done to improve the situation.

When I visited the study area in March 2008, I found that the chief’s attitudes toward the tourism company had changed, as he had received a payment from this business, which he had distributed in the village. However, none of this money reached the Baka. Active interactions between the tourism company resulted in increased compensation payments to the Konabembe community. However, the Baka community was left with nothing from the tourism company, as they depended on the Konabembe for political negotiations.

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

In this section, I summarize the findings of this study and discuss changes in the relationship between the Baka and the Konabembe. Specifically, the following factors have contributed to changes in this relationship:

1. Increased sedentarization: the time spent residing in permanent and semi-perma- nent dwelling sites has increased.

2. Changes in livelihood activities: the Baka are less likely to farm their own land and more likely to work for existing farmers.

3. Decreased consumption of forest products: farm products obtained from farmers have become staple foods.

4. Decreased use of homemade commodities: the use of manufactured household commodities obtained from farmers and merchants has increased.

5. Adoption of a cash economy: the farmers serve as the source of cash income. 6.Restricted interactions with other societies: the farmers control access to

resources, such as logging concessions and hunting compensation. Previous Livelihood Strategies and Relationships with Farmers

The nomadic Baka reportedly moved among forest campsites before the 1950s. Since that time, increased sedentarization has significantly changed the Baka community. According to my research, the Baka currently prefer farm products, manufactured goods, and cash income and obtain these items from farmers. Sedentarization has led the Baka to increase their political and economic dependence on farmers.

In contrast, the Baka in southeastern Cameroon achieved self-sufficiency in the ability to produce staple foods as sedentarization progressed (Hayashi, 2000; Kitanishi, 2003; Yasuoka, 2006a; 2012). Some Baka have succeeded in planting cacao as a cash crop (Kitanishi, 2006; Oishi, 2012b), and some have startedworking as farmhands in the cacao plantation to earn additional wages (Kitanishi, 2006; Sakanashi, 2010). They have become more independent of the farmers as they have gained access to farm products and manufactured goods on their own. Thus, they have become less economically dependent on farmers.

What prevents the Baka in my study area from engaging in independent farming and other economic activities? First, poor access to roads may contribute to this situation, as the study area is among the most remote in terms of proximity to mainroads. Indeed, the first road was constructed in 2001. Therefore, the Baka may be at a major disadvantage with regard to the initiation of farming and a cacaoeconomy. Second, the Konabembe farmers in the study area earn cash income by net fishing, rather than by planting. As the Baka do not engage in net fishing,their source of cash income has been the farmers. Third, the density of the population in the study area is among the lowest, and the availability of natural resources did not require the Baka to engage in farming to obtain food items. Thus, the Baka did not adopt farming and, as a result, became economically dependent on the farmers.

In terms of the political dependence of the Baka on the farmers, the Baka in my study area have been interacting with farmers and merchants since 1910. During the 1920s and 1930s, the Baka interacted with the French, who were given the mandate to administer this area. Bakwele elders recalled that the farmers and the Baka were forced to gather natural rubber and weed the access roads under the French administration. Baka legends tell of similar events.

As the sedentary farmers may have had the power to negotiate with the French administrative authorities, whether the nomadic Baka had much interaction withthe French is unclear. Since the 1960s and the independence of Cameroon, moderneducation has been introduced in these areas, and schools have been built. However, the authorities deemed my study area too remote for the construction of a school, and many farmers moved to live with relatives residing near the schools that were constructed. At school, the farmers learned social skills and French, the official language. The nomadic Baka, who did not possess the cash to access education, missed the opportunity to learn these skills. Consequently, negotiations with the new government and other actors were left to the farmers.

Furthermore, the logging and tourism companies began operating in southeastern Cameroon in the 1970s. In the late 1990s, a forest conservation organization arrivedin the area. With construction of the road in 2001, more outside actors came to operate in the study area. The farmers acted as village representatives and negotiated with these other actors. The financial gap between the 2 ethnic groups has widened and the inequality between them has become more apparent. As sedentarization has progressed, the Baka have increased their economic dependence on the farmers, which has increased the control of the farming community over the Baka’s access to external economic and political resources. This situation may lead to the further marginalization of the Baka.

What has happened in other Baka communities? I could not obtain complete information about their political relationships with farmers. However, some Bakacommunities appear to be more politically independent from farmers by virtue of being more educated or having more access to other actors, such as cacao traders.

Future Livelihood Strategies and the Relationship with Farmers

How will the Baka’s relationship with the farmers change in the future? Some Baka communities in southeastern Cameroon have become less economically dependent on farming communities as sedentarization has progressed and farming has become more widespread. What will happen to the hierarchical relationship between the 2 communities after the Baka community has gained economic strength and negotiating power with the outside society? Will changes in the Bakalivelihood result in political and economic equality between the 2 groups? Or, as was the case when the Bagyeli and the farming community fought in western Cameroon (van de Sandt, 1999), will this lead to significant conflict between the Baka and the farmers? As negotiations with outside actors often involve controlof access to profit, increased equality will likely increase conflict between the ethnic groups.

When I visited the study site in March 2008, many Baka individuals were working to clear farmland. The pace at which they were adopting farming seemed to be increasing, although considerable time might be required for them to achieve self-sufficiency with regard to staple foods. If interactions with outside groups increase before the Baka become self-sufficient, will the farming communityincrease its power over the Baka community, thereby marginalizing the Baka further?

During the last 50 years, the government has forced the Baka to settle and engage in farming. At the same time, the Baka have continued to follow their traditional nomadic way of life, engaging in hunting and gathering in the forest. They have been able to continue hunting and gathering primarily because the previous and current administrations have not prohibited these practices. However, several changes have occurred during the past few decades. Other actors, whose main objective is to extract natural resources from the forest, prompted the government to exclude the Baka from the forest. Logging and tourism companiesbegan operating, and the efforts of conservation organizations led to the creation of protected areas and national parks in the forest, where the Baka have tradition- ally hunted and gathered. The new enterprises and developments have prevented the Baka not only from entering, but also from using the area for their nomadic lifestyle of hunting and gathering.

These businesses and conservation organizations from developed countries, as well as their host government, have increased the economic and political margin- alization of the Baka. The Baka depend primarily on the forest, and they should be treated as an interested party in all discussions about the forest. As outside actors have started to interfere with or control the use of natural forest resources, the Baka community has suffered huge losses related to their livelihood. Regula- tions that have been imposed in the absence of an understanding of the distributionof resources available to the Baka have affected the sustainability of the Baka community. If this situation continues, the Baka may have to abandon their nomadic way of life in the future.

In conclusion, I present several examples of the effect of outside actors on the relationship between the Baka and the farmers. In recent years, international efforts have sought to strengthen the role of indigenous peoples. These efforts haveincluded the provision of assistance to sustain the nomadic lifestyle and culture of the Pygmy hunter-gatherers in the African tropical rainforest. By demonstratinghow the current society has been discriminating against and marginalizing hunter-gatherer societies, international organizations have lobbied to restore their right to use the forests (Kitanishi, 2010). This movement in central Africa has led some conservation organizations to recognize the Baka as a forest people who have lived in harmony with the forest. On the one hand, this international movement promoting the human rights of indigenous peoples may help the Baka to sustain their nomadic way of life in the forest. On the other hand, however, this movement may precipitate new conflict with the farming community.

The manner in which the ethnic relationship between the Baka and the farmers will develop in the future is uncertain. Although the Baka have been forced to adopt the new way of life imposed on them by the outside world during the past 50 years, they have nonetheless succeeded in modifying their nomadic lifestyle.The establishment of mechanisms to help the Baka community cope with the current situation, in which their usage rights have been increasingly restricted by the international forest conservation movement, is important. An international movement is needed to help the Baka hunter-gatherer community establish a good relationship with the farming community and other interested parties in the African forest so that they can sustain their way of life.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The field survey on which this study was based was sup- ported by a Grant-in-Aid for Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) Fellows. Data analysis was also supported by Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research (no. 12371004, headed by Prof. Mitsuo Ichikawa, and no.13371005, headed by Prof. Hiroshi Ishida 22241057, Prof. Daiji Kimura).

I am indebted to the support and encouragement of my colleagues who have con- ducted research in the rainforests of central Africa. Many valuable comments helped to improve this paper. I would like to express my appreciation to those who took the time to read the draft paper and thereby helped to improve it enormously: Professor D. Kimura of the Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University; Professor K. Kitanishi, Yamaguchi University; and Dr. N. Matsuura, University of Shizuoka.

Finally, I wish to thank the people of Malea Ancien for allowing me to live in their community and share their lives for this research since I arrived without notice a decade ago.

NOTES

  1. (1)  Published edible percentages were obtained from Ichikawa (1983), Kitanishi (1995), and Yasuoka (2006a).
  2. (2)  Published nutritional values were obtained from Leung (1968).
  3. (3)  1 euro = 655.957 FCFA.

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Author’s Name and Address: Shiho HATTORI, Faculty of International Studies, Tenri University, 1050 Somanouchi, Tenri City, Nara 632-8510, JAPAN.

Um Ensaio Fotográfico sobre os Bakas

Susan Schulman’s photo essay reveals life in the Dzanga-Sangha forest, where Baka Pygmies are struggling to maintain their traditional way of life in the face of logging, poaching and a lack of healthcare.

As the Baka Pygmies of the Dzanga-Sangha region of Central African Republic struggle to live in their traditional ways, they find themselves caught between worlds.

Baka split their time between village and forest. Here, in their forest home, life continues in the face of many challenges, ranging from poachers to ill health. Destructive developments within the forest, such as illegal logging, also pose a threat.

Historically, the Baka have been kept as slaves by the Bantu, an ethnic group from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Bantu are known locally as ‘Bilo’. Persecution by the Bilo is inescapable.

Ba'aka pygmies in the Sangha forest

Malala and her 20-something daughter Agate tell of their experience of being slaves in DRC.

‘When you’re owned, you’re obliged to work in the plantations. They will give you alcohol and smoke and, sometimes, manioc leaves for lunch but they won’t pay,’ Malala explains.

In Yandoumbe village, pygmies Malala, left, and her 20-something daughter Agate, right
 Malala, left, and her 20-something daughter Agate, right, in Yandoumbe villa.

Baka would alternate time on the plantation with time in the forest. Owners would give them shotguns with a certain number of shells to bring back meat for them. 

‘If he gives you four shells and you only come back with three animals, they beat you really, really badly,’ says Malala. ‘There is terrible trouble. Some will even kill for not bringing back the shell.’

Agate rebelled. ‘When I was a child, Mother told me that that man was “our Bilo” and that we were owned. But when I grew up, I refused. I said I am not that kind of Baka. I would make my own decisions.’ It was not that easy. Agate’s father’s owner claimed her. When she refused, he followed her to CAR and demanded payment from her husband.

When not in the forest, these Baka Pygmies live in Yandoumbe village. While outright ownership is disappearing, Bilo attitudes of superiority and entitlement towards the Baka persist. Below, a Bilo man accuses a Baka boy, right, in a dispute over the price of a beignet pastry.

A Bilo in a dispute with a Ba’aka boy, right

In the forest, the despondency of the village is left behind and traditional life resumes. 

Life in the Sangha forest

Both women and men hunt every day. Baka are obliged by laws – originally designed to protect the forest – to hunt using only their traditional nets and spears. 

Ba'aka enact their traditional hunting ceremony

The staple food of the Baka is the blue duiker, a forest antelope. Here, they enact their traditional hunting ceremony. 

Ba'aka enact their traditional hunting ceremony

Their way of life is under constant threat from poachers, who have no inhibitions about using guns. ‘The reserve is supposed to be for the Baka, but it is a joke,’ says Louis Sarno, originally from New Jersey, who has lived with the Baka for 30 years. ‘It is filled with guns and snares. Hunting with guns and snares is the biggest threat to the Baka way of life. They now go into the forest and often [come back] hungry.’

Below, Agate prepares some of the spoils of hunting – a tortoise and a duiker.

Preparing for hunting

A hunter sharpens his spear tip wearing a mock Apple watch.

A hunter sharpens his spear tip wearing a mock Apple watch

Poachers hunt at night, using flashlights to stun the duikers and shoot them as they stand paralysed in the light. These poachers – all Bilo – killed seven duikers and one monkey in their night of hunting. 

A Bilo poacher with his gun

The poachers cook up the monkey’s head (pictured below right) at the Baka camp. 

Poachers cook a monkey's head at the Ba'aka camp

Guns and poaching are greatly accelerating the depletion of the forest. Everyone recognises these poachers as having been part of the (largely Christian) anti-balaka militia. Local NGOs have been unable to protect the forest from poaching.

‘If things continue as they are now,’ says Sarno, ‘Baka won’t be going into the forest. They will become like serfs to the Bilo again. They will lose their humanity.’ 

Poaching is not the Baka’s only problem. 

Central African Republic (CAR) ranks 187 out of 188 in the 2015 human development index. The average life expectancy is 49 years of age. Unicef says that CAR has the eighth highest under-five mortality in the world. Figures are even worse among the Baka. 

Tuberculosis is approaching crisis level; hepatitis B and malaria are endemic. Almost all of the children test positive for malaria. 

Sarno estimates that half of Baka children don’t make it to the age of five. It doesn’t help that there is no doctor at the local health clinic. Advertisement

The nearest professional medical attention is at Nola, 120km away, so Sarno, who has no medical training but felt compelled to help, has taken on the role. Supplied with medicines by the German NGO Action Medeor, he does his best to diagnose illnesses and dispenses drugs.

It is not a job Sarno wants to be doing. ‘The burden of being diagnostician and doctor keeps me up at night. And, if someone dies, you can be blamed too.’

Jiggers are a scourge of the Baka. This parasite lives in soil and sand, and burrows into feet; if it is not extracted it causes infection and eventually deformity. In the image below, they have infested the boy’s left foot. His is a mild case compared with those of the many children crippled by infestations.

Child with a mild jigger infestation in his left foot

Traditional medicine remains the first port of call for many Baka, and an overwhelming belief in sorcery and witchcraft often creates a fatalist attitude that stops them seeking proper medical treatment and sticking to drug regimes. The woman pictured below is being treated for a toothache, her cheek stained where traditional medicine has been applied.

A ba'aka woman with her cheek stained with 'medicine' for toothache

Badangba, who doesn’t know how old she is, has seen sickness claim many lives. ‘Lots of illnesses grab the children here; a lot of children die,’ she says. ‘There is a lot of sadness for mothers, as their arms are empty and they don’t know what to do.’

Children mimic the hunting ceremony

The future looks certain through the eyes of Baka children. Here, they gleefully mimic the traditions of their community. 

Ba'aka children enact the daily hunting ceremony

They enact the daily hunting ceremony, summoning up the leaf-cloaked forest spirit, Bobe’e. 

But for the community’s young people, the future seems far less clear.

Young people of the Ba'aka community

For these young people, there are few opportunities. Hunting used to be easy: the forest used to be teeming with wildlife. But the severe depletion of animals has changed that. Hunting – and consequently eating – is now less reliable, tarnishing the appeal of traditional life for youth. 

Yet village life also holds little promise. The schoolteacher shows up only sporadically, drunk and mean, and the only occasional work is available from the Bilo, who offer the paltry sum of $1 for five days’ hunting in the bush but who often fail even to pay the fee promised. Young people are floundering, confused and too often taking refuge in tramadol, a powerful synthetic opiate available in nearby Bayanga town, and in glue-sniffing.

A Ba'aka youth

Parents are concerned. 

‘It is really bad for them to be sniffing glue and taking drugs,’ says one. ‘If they keep on doing that, they become lazy and then they won’t go into the forest any more.’ 

This would spell the end of traditional Baka life.

Ba'aka children in the forest

This article was amended on 5 May 2016 in The Guardion.com

Os Bakas e o Espírito da Floresta

The Baka pygmies of Cameroon live in the world’s second largest green lung: the Congo Basin Rainforest in the southeast part of the country. 

Their habitat is home to a stunning array of wildlife. More than eight thousand plant species and around 100 mammal species, including rare forest elephants, lowland gorillas, chimpanzees, buffalo and giant forest hogs live here.

Together with the Worldwide Fund for Nature (WWF), the government of Cameroon and Germany’s development agency GTZ, the Baka pygmies contribute towards the protection of Lobeke National Park. This area of around 2,000 square kilometers is situated on Cameroon’s border to the Central African Republic and the Republic of Congo.

The forest is the Baka’s life

Many Baka pygmies live in villages along roads built for logging companies, a practice encouraged by missionaries and the government. The pygmies, seldom taller than one meter fifty, living here are dressed in much the same clothes as most of their countrymen: the obligatory football shirt, if they can get hold of one, and shorts.

Yet despite these “modern” ways, they are still very dependent on the forest. They use time-honored hunting techniques, hunting smaller prey with a type of crossbow. 

The rainforest is also a giant pharmacy for those who know how to use it. The Baka have a vast knowledge of the medicinal qualities of the thousands of species of plants and trees which grow here. 

The Baka’s knowledge of the rainforest is greatly superior to that of other tribes who have settled more recently in the region and mainly live off agriculture – the Banganado and the Bodjumbo. “They have their own perception of the forest and value the forest more than the Bantus – the non-Bakas,” Dr. Leonard Usongo, head of the WWF’s Jengi South East Forest Project, told DW-RADIO’s John Hay. 

“Jengi”, the spirit of the forest, is what the environmental organization is seeking to preserve, along with the pygmy way of life. 

“Take the lifestyle of a typical Baka man: He lives in the forest, he depends on the forest for his survival, be it in terms of food or terms of refuge,” he explains. “So basically, the forest is just everything in his life.”Hunting is necessary, but forbidden”

The involvement of outside organizations has meant limitations for the some 20,000 Baka who live in the peripheral area of Lobeke Park. One major regulation is the prohibition to hunt larger game, although illegal poaching is a large problem in the region. 

Here, the Baka are a great help, as they alert the WWF or government forest guards when they observe big game poachers entering the park. 

But the hunting ban is not so much a source of conflict with the pygmies as it is with other local tribes. Vegetables, such as manioc, yams and cooking bananas, grow quickly in the humid climate. Gorillas, however, often devastate the fields of both the Bakas and Bantus. The locals used to hunt gorillas, but the WWF only allows them to be killed in self-defence. 

A Bantu woman belonging to the Bangando tribe says the primates are a pest who need to be sought out and exterminated.

“When the gorillas come and destroy the fields like this, what should we do? Where shall we eat? What about the children when there is no food at home? The children cannot concentrate properly at school when they have empty stomachs,” she says. Destroying the rainforest

But the greatest threat to the gorillas, the pygmies and the jungle as a whole doesn’t come from poaching, but rather from logging. Up to 400 heavy trucks, each laden with the trunks of three to five giant ayours, sapelli or ebony trees, roll daily through the provincial town of Yodakdouma. These trees don’t take decades, but hundreds of years to grow.

International and domestic logging companies are eating into the Cameroonian rainforest at a rate of 130,000 hectares a year – more than half a percent of the entire rainforest surface. 

“Lobeke is actually the gateway for most of the forest products – timber from Central Africa and Congo. So these trucks move via Lobeke right across to Douala seaport, where the wood is exported to Europe, Asia and the rest of the world,” says WWF project manager Usongo.

Once the large trees are destroyed, the rest of the forest lacks the shadow of the forest canopy and soon dies. And when fragile topsoil has disappeared, the rainforest will never grow back again. 

The Baka pygmies of Lobeke are acutely aware that their way of life and a centuries old culture is at risk of being lost forever.

“The Jengi is the spirit of our ancestors. They knew how to use the wisdom of the forest,” says an old Baka. “But now our ancestors have gone.” 

He says the Bangando and Bodjombo are a major problem. “They come and disturb the Jengi in the forest. Our Jengi is not as strong as it was before.”

Etnias Pigméias da Africa

BAKA:

The Baka speak Bantu and live in the rain forest of Cameroon, Congo and Gabon they are hunter and gatherers which means that they eat/use what they find. Bakas live a totally different lifestyle than most. Bakas live in small huts called Mogulu’s they are made of branches and leaves and are usually built by women. Baka women also usually use different types of leaves and mud to make the hut waterproof, the small hut houses only one family. 

Baka women and children usually spend their days preparing food  weaving  baskets,panniers,baskets and rattles Bakas spend a lot of time on these things because they don’t have the luxury of going to a grocery store to just buy what they need. Baka men are great hunters their techniques and hunting tools make them very efficient.They  hunt using crossbows with poisonous tips,spears and traps. 

in the Cameroon rain forest alone  there are over 409 species of mammals,  690 species of birds, 250 species of reptiles and 200 species of amphibians. 
Hunting and gathering is the most important thing to a Baka village they hunt their meat and gather other things such as mushrooms, wild fruit and vegetables. Unfortunately they cannot preserve food for long because they don’t have refrigerators so if they don’t hunt daily they don’t eat.

BAKOLA:

Bakola’s are the pygmy people of southern Cameroon and parts of Gabon they speak Mvumbo. 

Bakola people live in mud huts and leaf huts. Mud huts are made of mud and different types of branches while leaf huts are made of leaves. traditionally larger families live in mud huts.Mud huts are very nice at least for forest dwellers, Bakola Mud huts contain a fireplace, shelf for firewood and meat smoking it also has an oil lamp. Bakola people are some of the most up to date indigenous people in all of Africa.  

Bakola people hunt using spears twice their size, a hunting dog called a Basenji along with hunting nets which they set up above the forest floor so the net can fall and catch various animals. The Bakola’s  hunt mostly small to medium sized rodents like African brush porcupine and tree Hyrax. Unlike most cultures Bakola’s like to eat extraordinary things such as caterpillar soup.

Art like music,dance and portraits  plays a vital role in Bakola culture. Bakola’s make music with instruments made from natural resources like reed trunk, which is used to make percussion tubes and drums. These instruments are usually played while people are dancing, dancing is a big thing in Bakola culture because they dance for rituals and as a form of prayer.

BEDZAN

The Bedzan people also know as the Medzan people are a Pygmy group of Cameroon.. They live at the “interface” of the forest and the savannah unlike the other Pygmy groups that live in the forest. And their language is Tikar, which is similar to Bantu the language that Baka’s speak. Although Bedzan people are considered pygmy people they have evolved and for the most part and are no longer short. Most Pygmy people are usually 4’11 or shorter, Bedzan people are still considered a pygmy group because of their traditions and where they live.  

Bedzan people live on the edge of the Cameroon forest and live in mud huts. Unlike the other pygmy groups that live in mud huts the Bedzan people create a wooden structure before putting together their hut. In the Bedzan community men and women help build the huts. Bedzan people sometimes paint the walls of their huts for decoration and religious reasons. Bedzan Mud Huts are typically larger because their family size is usually between 4-7 people. 

Similar to other pygmy groups Bedzan’s are hunter and gatherers and spend a lot of their time collecting what they need, this include women men and young boys. Bedzan people spend a lot of time preparing their food as well. This job is solely up to Bedzan women they peel peanuts,corncobs and often have to skin animals before cooking. When hunting animals Bedzan people use spears, blowpipes and a hunting dog called a Basenji.

MBUTI

The Bedzan people also know as the Medzan people are a Pygmy group of Cameroon.. They live at the “interface” of the forest and the savannah unlike the other Pygmy groups that live in the forest. And their language is Tikar, which is similar to Bantu the language that Baka’s speak. Although Bedzan people are considered pygmy people they have evolved and for the most part and are no longer short. Most Pygmy people are usually 4’11 or shorter, Bedzan people are still considered a pygmy group because of their traditions and where they live.  

Bedzan people live on the edge of the Cameroon forest and live in mud huts. Unlike the other pygmy groups that live in mud huts the Bedzan people create a wooden structure before putting together their hut. In the Bedzan community men and women help build the huts. Bedzan people sometimes paint the walls of their huts for decoration and religious reasons. Bedzan Mud Huts are typically larger because their family size is usually between 4-7 people. 

Similar to other pygmy groups Bedzan’s are hunter and gatherers and spend a lot of their time collecting what they need, this include women men and young boys. Bedzan people spend a lot of time preparing their food as well. This job is solely up to Bedzan women they peel peanuts,corncobs and often have to skin animals before cooking. When hunting animals Bedzan people use spears, blowpipes and a hunting dog called a Basenji.

Texto de Life of Pygmy People Of Africa

Os Pigmeus

Os povos ‘Pigmeu’ são tradicionalmente caçadores-coletores que vivem nas florestas tropicais em toda a África central.

O termo ‘Pigmeu’ ganhou conotações negativas, mas foi recuperado por alguns grupos indígenas como um termo de identidade.

Porém, essas comunidades se identificam principalmente como ‘povos da floresta’, devido à importância fundamental da floresta à sua cultura, modo de vida e história.

Cada um é um povo distinto, como o Twa, Aka, Baka e Mbuti vivendo em países de toda a África Central, incluindo a República Centro-Africana, a República Democrática do Congo, Ruanda, Uganda e Camarões.

Grupos diferentes apresentam línguas e tradições de caça diversas. Embora cada comunidade enfrente ameaças e desafios diferentes, o racismo, a exploração madeireira e projetos de conservação são grandes problemas para muitos, todos contribuindo para sérios problemas de saúde e abuso violento.

As estimativas atuais indicam que a população dos povos Pigmeu é de cerca de meio milhão.

Vida na floresta

O centro da identidade desses povos é a sua conexão íntima com a floresta onde eles vivem, e que têm adorado e protegido por gerações.

Jengi, o espírito da floresta, é uma das poucas palavras comuns a muitas das diversas línguas faladas pelos povos da floresta.

‘Os Pigmeus amam a floresta como amam seu próprio corpo.’ (provérbio Mbendjele)

A importância da floresta como seu lar espiritual e físico, e como fonte de sua religião, medicina, subsistência e identidade cultural é enorme.

Tradicionalmente, as pequenas comunidades frequentemente se movimentavam por territórios florestais distintos, reunindo uma vasta gama de produtos florestais, coletando mel silvestre e trocando mercadorias com sociedades sedentárias vizinhas.

Técnicas de caça variam entre os povos da floresta, e incluem arcos e flechas, lanças e redes.

© Salomé/Survival

Mas muitas comunidades foram deslocadas por projetos de conservação e suas florestas remanescentes foram degradadas pela exploração madeireira extensiva, expansão por parte dos agricultores, e atividades comerciais, como o comércio intensivo de carne.

Poucos receberam qualquer compensação pela perda de seu modo de viver auto-sustentável na floresta, e muitos enfrentam níveis extremos de pobreza e problemas de saúde em assentamentos na periferia da terra que já lhes pertenceu.

Em Ruanda, por exemplo, muitas pessoas Twa que foram deslocadas de suas terras ganham a vida fazendo e vendendo cerâmica.

Agora, esta subsistência está ameaçada pela perda de acesso a argila através da privatização da terra e pela disponibilidade crescente de produtos de plástico.

Mendigar e vender seu trabalho barato se tornaram as únicas opções para muitos povos da floresta deslocados e marginalizados.

Direitos e reconhecimento

Um problema fundamental para os povos Pigmeu é a falta de reconhecimento dos direitos territoriais de caçadores-coletores, juntamente com a negação de sua condição ‘indígena’ em muitos estados africanos.

© Salomé/Survival

Sem direitos reconhecidos nacionalmente para as terras florestais das quais dependem, forasteiros ou o estado podem tomar suas terras sem barreiras legais e compensação.

Aquelas comunidades que perderam seus meios de vida tradicionais e as suas terras se encontram na parte inferior da sociedade nacional – vítimas de discriminação que afeta cada aspecto de suas vidas.

Saúde e violência

Povos da floresta que vivem na terra que têm cuidado por séculos apresentam melhor saúde e nutrição do que os seus vizinhos que foram expulsos de suas terras florestais.

As consequências ao perderem suas terras são muito previsíveis: a descida rumo à pobreza, saúde precária e uma profunda destruição de sua identidade, cultura e sua conexão com sua terra, que cria uma nova classe baixa que requer apoio do governo.

O conflito na República Democrática do Congo tem sido especialmente brutal para o povos Pigmeu, que sofreram assassinatos e estupros, e supostamente foram vítimas de canibalismo dos combatentes fortemente armados.

Em 2003, representantes Bambuti pediram à ONU para proteger seu povo do terrível abuso por parte das milícias armadas no Congo, incluindo a incidência extremamente alta de violação de mulheres por homens armados. Um dos resultados foi uma taxa alta de HIV/ Aids.

‘Temos visto crueldade, massacres, genocídio, mas nós nunca vimos os seres humanos caçados e comidos, literalmente como se fossem animais de caça, como tem acontecido recentemente’, Sinafasi Makelo, porta-voz Mbuti.

Os Batwa também sofreram desproporcionalmente com o genocídio da Ruanda em 1994: estudos estimam que 30% dos Batwa foram mortos, mais do dobro da média nacional.

Onde as comunidades Pigmeu continuam a ter acesso aos recursos florestais, dos quais tradicionalmente dependem, seus níveis de nutrição são bons.

© Salomé/Survival

Quando estão deslocados das florestas, geralmente sem compensação ou meios alternativos de ganhar a vida, a sua saúde piora drasticamente. Um estudo relata que 80% dos Baka sedentários em Camarões sofre da bouba (uma condição dolorosa na pele).

Outros estudos têm mostrado que comunidades Pigmeu que habitam a floresta têm níveis mais baixos de muitas doenças em comparação com as populações vizinhas de Bantu assentadas, incluindo a malária, reumatismo, infecções respiratórias e hepatite C.

Além disso, as comunidades não podem mais acessar os remédios da floresta dos quais dependiam, e estão em perigo de perder o seu conhecimento rico e tradicional da medicina herbal.

A maioria das comunidades não tem acesso a assistência de saúde devido à falta de disponibilidade, falta de verbas e maus-tratos humilhantes. Programas de vacinação podem ser lentos para atingir os povos da floresta e há relatos de Pigmeu que sofrem de discriminação por funcionários médicos.

Racismo

Um fator central por trás de muitos dos problemas enfrentados pelos povos da floresta é o racismo.

Suas estruturas sociais igualitárias muitas vezes não são respeitadas pelas comunidades vizinhas ou empresas internacionais e organizações que valorizam líderes (masculinos) fortes.

© Salomé/Survival

A íntima conexão dos povos da floresta com as florestas já foi valorizada e respeitada por outras sociedades, mas agora é ridicularizada.

Para muitas comunidades agrícolas e de pecuária em toda a região, os povos da floresta, que não têm nem terra nem gado, são vistos como ‘atrasados’, empobrecidos ou ‘inferiores’ e muitas vezes são tratados como se fossem ‘intocáveis’.

Reconhecimento e representação política

Numa tentativa de diminuir os conflitos étnicos, vários governos africanos, como os da Ruanda e da República Democrática do Congo, têm defendido a ideia da nação como ‘um povo’, negando enfaticamente o status ‘indígena’ para os povos Pigmeu e recusando-se em reconhecer as suas necessidades distintas.

Os povos Pigmeu são muito mal representados no governo, em todos os níveis, nos países onde vivem.

Com seu baixo status e falta de representação, é difícil para eles defender suas terras, e os recursos desejáveis dela, de pessoas de fora.

Escravidão

Em agosto de 2008, quase 100 Pigmeus foram libertados da escravidão na RDC, dos quais quase a metade eram provenientes de famílias que haviam sido escravizadas por gerações.

Mãe e crianças Pygmies

Mãe e crianças Pygmies© Salomé/Survival

Tal tratamento decorre da noção de que os Pigmeus são de um status inferior, e que por isso podem ser ‘propriedades’ dos seus ‘mestres’.

O trabalho forçado nas fazendas é uma realidade comum para muitos Pigmeus deslocados, que são extremamente vulneráveis, sem terra ou representação e pouca simpatia e apoio.

Taxas de remuneração são geralmente mais baixos para os Pigmeus em toda a região.

Madeireiros e parques

Grande parte das terras tradicionalmente habitadas por comunidades de Pigmeus é rica em madeira e minerais.

Há uma corrida entre os madeireiros e os conservacionistas para reivindicar as florestas remanescentes.

Os direitos e necessidades dos povos da floresta têm sido ignorados na disputa das florestas da África Central.

© Salomé/Survival

No Congo, as empresas madeireiras multinacionais correram aos primeiros sinais de paz para extrair madeira valiosa.

Comunidades locais muitas vezes são enganadas, e acabam renunciando o seu direito à terra, perdendo o seu patrimônio cultural, a fonte de seu sustento e sua segurança alimentar, em troca de um punhado de sal, açúcar ou um facão.

Os resultados são devastadores para o povo, a floresta, o clima e o futuro deste país desesperadamente instável.

No caminho dos madeireiros, vêm milhares de colonos, ansiosos para estabelecer fazendas nas terras recém acessíveis, hostis aos povos da floresta cujas terras foram destruídas.

‘Desde que fomos expulsos de nossas terras, a morte está nos seguindo. Nós enterramos pessoas quase todos os dias. A aldeia está se tornando vazia. Estamos caminhando para a extinção. Agora todas as pessoas de idade morreram. Nossa cultura está morrendo também.’ (Homem Mutwa de Kalehe, RDC.)

Tem havido um ciclo vicioso de povos da floresta, privados de suas florestas e, portanto, seus meios de sobrevivência, empobrecendo cada vez mais a medida que forasteiros aproveitam de sua situação.

Com o aumento da pobreza, sua capacidade para defender seus direitos está diminuindo. Extensas plantações, de propriedade de empresas multinacionais, estão se espalhando para áreas florestais.

Em Camarões, as comunidades Bagyeli que vivem num lado do Parque Nacional do Campo Ma’an têm sido espremidas entre a área de conservação e o território que foi entregue a empresas multinacionais para a exploração.

Plantações de óleo de palma e árvores de borracha são áreas proibidas para os Bagyeli, e não houve qualquer compensação pela perda de suas terras, nem trabalhos, assistência à saúde ou outros benefícios.

Sua saúde está se deteriorando, pois mosquitos são abundantes entre as plantações, aumentando a malária na área, e a nutrição dos Bagyeli diminuiu radicalmente sem acesso a alimentos da floresta.

‘Suas condições de vida não são a nossa responsabilidade. Questões relacionadas à pobreza não são a nossa responsabilidade.’ (John Makombo, Autoridade de Animais Selvagens da Uganda)

Forasteiros que vieram para trabalhar nas plantações discriminam contra os Bagyeli e caçam os animais locais, privando os Bagyeli de sua principal fonte de proteína.

Conservação

Em 1991, a Floresta Impenetrável de Bwindi na Uganda foi declarada como Parque Nacional. Os Batwa foram expulsos e proibidos de caçar e coletar frutos; poucos foram compensados.

Eles não foram consultados. A maioria vive agora como ‘intrusos’ em terra de outros povos, sempre com medo de serem expulsos, sem acesso à floresta e sem terra própria.

Os Pigmeus são os especialistas da floresta. Aqui, são fotografados na República Democrática do Congo.

Os Pigmeus são os especialistas da floresta. Aqui, são fotografados na República Democrática do Congo. © Kate Eshelby/Survival

Os anciãos relataram que eles não podem ensinar a seus filhos as habilidades tradicionais- coletar o mel, caçar, utilizar as ervas medicinais- porque eles não podem ir para a floresta.

Os Batwa foram excluídos dos parques, e são maltratados e explorados pelos agricultores.

Os agricultores que invadiram a floresta com suas fazendas receberam uma indenização quando as áreas de conservação foram designadas. Os Batwa deslocados não.

‘Um dia, estávamos na floresta quando vimos pessoas vindo com metralhadoras e eles nos disseram para sair da floresta. Estávamos com muito medo, por isso começamos a correr sem saber para onde ir e alguns de nós desapareceram. Eles morreram ou foram para algum lugar que não sabíamos. Como resultado do despejo, todo mundo está disperso.’ (Sembagare Francis)

As receitas provindas do turismo, a partir de alguns dos principais parques nacionais nesta área, são substanciais. Visitantes estrangeiros pagam centenas de dólares para poderem caminhar por um dia e ver os gorilas em Bwindi.

Esse dinheiro vai para o governo de Uganda. São os povos da floresta locais, que têm pagado os custos mais elevados.

Despejos

Comunidades Twa foram expulsas dos parques em toda a região, incluindo o Parque Nacional de Vulcões (Ruanda), Mgahinga (Uganda) e Kahuzi-Biega (República Democrática do Congo).

Como povos da floresta, eles sofreram muito conforme suas terras foram convertidas em áreas de conservação das quais eles foram despejados.

Vivendo na pobreza nas bordas da terra que já lhes pertenceu, eles se tornaram dependentes de esmolas e trabalham para outros por um salário mísero.

Em 1999, o Parque Nacional Campo Ma’an foi demarcado em ‘compensação’ pelos danos ambientais causados pelo oleoduto Chade-Camarões.

Não só os caçadores-coletores Bagyeli perderam suas terras, mas eles também têm sido impedidos de acessar a área e forçados a praticar agricultura, sem nenhuma forma de consulta.

No sudeste dos Camarões, caçadores-coletores Baka estão sendo ilegalmente despejados de seus lares ancestrais para abrir caminho a parques nacionais, e enfrentam prisão e espancamentos, tortura e morte nas mãos de esquadrões anti-caça furtiva apoiados pelo WWF, World Wide Fund for Nature.

Texto: Survival

Ancient Baka culture in Cameroon under threat

The Baka pygmies in Southern Cameroon have been living in the forest for thousands of years. But now, with logging and mining companies rushing to cash in on the wealth, their ancient culture has come under threat.

The sound of a chain saw felling down trees at a mining site in Ngoyla, in south east Cameroon, sends shivers down the spine of Mendum Lysette, a Baka widow with three kids. The Baka pygmies live in close proximity to the forest which they consider it their natural home. Until a few years ago, they had little to do with the outside world. But since the forest has become the target for commercial interests, things have changed drastically.

Along with some 35,000 Baka pygmies living in the forests of Southern Cameroon, Lysette has never been more fearful in her life.

“We can’t help being afraid. Every day, strangers come to us preaching a new gospel of mining. And as the days go by, we see systematic restrictions on our rights,” she said.

“The government of Cameroon and some white people have moved us out of the heart of this forest and resettled us in this village. Now we go into the forest and return in the evening. We are not allowed in there at night.”

The red patches on the map indicate areas the Baka have been evicted from

Lysette’s family and other families were forced to move to a simple village on the edge of the forest. But the Baka don’t like it there. They were used to moving freely from one location of the forest to the next in search of game, wild fruits and tubers, but now, they are forced to live a sedentary life along the roadside.

Lysette says this policy deprives them of the sounds of birds and animals that was part of their lives and souls.

For most of her life, Lysette and most other Baka lived in close communion with nature, right in the Ngoyla-Mintom Forest, an area encompassing 943,000 hectares of relatively intact forest that straddles parts of the East and South Regions of Cameroon. But right here, the iron exploration firm Cam Iron plans to extract close to a billion tons of iron in the next 25 years.

Cameroon pushes for its 2035 development vision

Mineral extraction and logging are major areas where the Cameroon government hopes to make enough profit to achieve its 2035 development vision. Besides being a life line for many rural communities, it is a sector that provides more than one quarter of Cameroon’s export earnings.

“The Baka have been living in the forests of Southern Cameroon for thousands, and thousands of years. Their indigenous knowledge is unbelievable – the medicines, the plants the animals,” said David Hoyle, director of conservation for the WWF.

“But of course the world is changing. Cameroon is developing. Cameroon is going down the development route. Hence, the government’s push for mining permits, logging permits and general development.”

This policy has led to the influx of mining and logging companies into the region, which are now creating many problems for the Baka pygmies who are traditional hunters. 

Forest (photo: Ulrike Koltermann/ dpa - Bildfunk)

The Baka pygmies have a great knowledge of the forest’s remedies

‘’The Baka now cannot completely depend on the forest, because the areas that have been created for protected areas are now managed by conservation organizations like the WWF, WCS and so forth,” Naah Ndobe said. He is the coordinator of the Center for Environment and Development, a Yaounde-based NGO working to protect the environment and the rights of the Baka Pygmies.

“The juicy parts of the forests where they used to get game and fruits have now been protected and are guarded. The logging areas are also guarded, because those who have the concessions would not give you access there. They have obligations to control what you call poaching and so on,” Ndobe added.

Naah Ndobe says the original occupants of the forest have become very vulnerable – deprived of the land they have enjoyed for ages.

Hard battle for ancestral lands

With little access to education and no say in the decision making spheres, they find it hard to fight the battle for their ancestral lands. A combination of discrimation, economic interests and lack of control is depriving the Baka of the very essence of their existence. David Hoyle has worked with the Bakas for long and says he understands their frustrations.

“There are a lot of challenges. Their traditions seem to be disappearing. There are huge problems with integrating into society. There are huge problems with alcohol abuse. It is quite a sad situation,” he said.

Many Baka have been moved to villages at the edge of the forest

Hoyle added that they need to find a solution that caters to the Baka as well as allow Cameroon to develop as an emergent economy.

For the Baka, there seems to be no place to preserve their unique cultures and tradition. They are even prohibited from finding alternative ways to make ends meet.

“A Baka cannot sell game and get money to send his children to school,” Ndobe said. The communities are allowed to get forest products through users’ rights, but they can only use it for their own consumption.

The World Wide Fund for Nature has however been working along with both government officials and the Baka to find solutions. David Hoyle says WWF has been negotiating with the government to give the Bakas access rights to the Nki and Bouba Bek National parks as a legal part of the management plan.

According to him, this is important in order to enable the Bakas to get such non-timber forest products like wild fruits, wild tubers and medicinal plants as well as continue to access their places of worship.

But Ndobe believes that any valid solution can only come from sweeping policy reforms that should protect the fundamental rights of the Bakas. He says that indigenous peoples should be better protected in Cameroon, particularly since the government has signed a UN agreement on Indigenous rights.

Pygmies in a hut (photo: Carine Debrabandère)

Pygmies are traditional hunter-gatherers indigenous to the rainforest of the Congo basin

“The Baka are sharing these specificities not only in Cameroon. You go to the whole of the Congo Basin, you have the Batwa, the Babugo and the Babute; and you go around the world , you have indigenous people-hunter-gatherers in Latin America and Asia. And in the whole world, they have specific rights that have been recognized.”

Ndobe emphasizes the need for the Cameroon government to come up with specific laws recognizing the rights of the Bakas, citing progress made in neighboring countries like the Central African Republic and the Congo.

It remains to be seen how committed Cameroon will be in respecting the rights of its indigenous inhabitants who represent one percent of Cameroon’s 19 million people, while striving for economic development. For the Baka, it’s a question of life and death for their unique culture and identity.

Author: Ngala Killian Chimtom, Yaoude, Cameroon /sst
Editor: Anke Rasper

As Relações entre os Bantus e os Bakas

Los baka y los bantú son dos etnias muy diferentes condenadas a vivir juntas. De estas relaciones surge una de las problemáticas más graves a la que se enfrenta el pueblo baka, la marginación y el maltrato.

El pueblo baka es una de las poblaciones más desfavorecidas de África Subsahariana. Esta etnia pigmea sobrevive gracias a la selva. Hasta no hace mucho, era una comunidad nómada que vivía de la pesca, la caza y la recolección de frutos silvestres. Hoy en día, se han visto obligados a abandonar sus campamentos y asentarse en los márgenes de las carreteras, como consecuencia de la deforestación y la preservación de las áreas protegidas.

Se organizan en grupos pequeños, donde existe un líder que aconseja al resto. Sin embargo, cada individuo es libre de tomar sus propias decisiones y oficialmente no existe ninguna estructura jerárquica. El respeto y la autonomía personal son los dos valores primordiales dentro de la comunidad.

Actualmente, siguen desarrollando sus actividades de caza y recolección, aunque sus tierras se hayan visto reducidas. Es por esto quetrabajan las tierras de las comunidades bantúes, una de las etnias tribales mayoritarias de Camerún, a cambio de un plato de comida, un sueldo mínimo o, incluso, una dosis de alcohol. Esto ha llevado a las personas baka a encontrarse una situación de semi-esclavitud ante esta etnia mayoritaria.

El no reconocimiento por parte de las instituciones ni de la sociedad.

Uno de los grandes problemas que existe al respecto es que el propio gobierno de Camerún no reconoce a los pueblos pigmeos baka en sus leyes como pueblo indígena, aunque sí los clasifica como tal en la práctica. Se trata de un pueblo marginado, tanto por las autoridades, como por el resto de la población camerunesa. No reciben ayudas, su cultura no es respetada y, mucho menos, se protege su hábitat.

Pero, sin lugar a dudas, la mayor problemática es que, en muchos casos, los pueblos bantúes no han aceptado que el pueblo baka sean seres humanos al mismo nivel. Todo esto ha generado unos altos niveles de racismo y discriminación de los primeros hacia los segundos, que son tratados como ciudadanos y ciudadanas de segunda categoría y se ven en la obligación de trabajar contra su voluntad. Mientras tanto, las principales autoridades del país miran hacia otro lado, haciendo gala de impunidad.

Las trabajadoras y los trabajadores baka se ven obligados a realizar los trabajos más duros bajo riesgo de castigo físico si se niegan. Se han dado casos de flagelación con cables hasta la tortura más terrible. Pero, a pesar de todo ello, la policía insiste en que las relaciones baka-bantú son buenas. Algunos miembros del cuerpo, incluso, declaran que es bueno que los bantúes fuercen a los baka, porque éstos son vagos y se pasan el día consumiendo alcohol y marihuana.

El hecho de que se consideren seres inferiores es un problema de educación. La alfabetización y formación del pueblo baka es fundamental para su empoderamiento e integración en la sociedad camerunesa. Desde fuera son considerados seres vagos y alcohólicos, seguramente por culpa de la mentalidad opresora de los bantúes. El reconocimiento de los derechos y libertades del pueblo baka es posible, pero el cambio requiere mucho tiempo.

El primer paso es el de concienciar a la población camerunesa de que todos son personas en igualdad de condiciones y capacidades. La clave está en la educación. La juventud es quien más acceso tiene a ella y quienes más hablan de derechos y plantan cara. Las relaciones de igualdad, respeto mutuo y colaboración serán las únicas capaces de hacer de la convivencia baka-bantú algo posible.

Texto de Zerca y Lejos